I have honey blond hair, sapphire eyes, strawberry cream skin, and I grew up in Utah Valley. My freshman year I went to the Tribe of Many Feathers club expecting free fry bread. Instead, I was invited to join the Native American Hoop club. That night I curled up against the whitewashed wall next to my bed and watched the moon cross the sky through my broken blinds. It was the first time I had been a minority; buckets of emotions poured into my soul. In those twilight hours the dawning of a new chapter of my life rose as I realized that the world is filled with people who I wanted to love but who I knew nothing about. I promised myself that I was going to go back to the dance class and I was going to learn how to speak love in every language.
Today, I dance with group called Remembering Our Culture. We practice multicultural dances hours a week to prepare on the Navajo Reservation, a week tour in California, and at the end of the semester a two week tour through Texas. It is similar to BYU’s Living Legends group, but includes African American and Asian dances. Also, the dancers are not categorized racially and I can perform in the routines even though I am of complete European heritage. Our goal is to encourage students to embrace their unique heritage and to embed a desire for secondary education in high school students. Now, I am accustom to being the only blond and as I learn to dance for cultures other than my own I realize how little I know. More importantly after each practice I come closer to the understanding that love and laughter are universal languages.
Monday, January 31, 2011
Essay #2
Originally, I wanted to drop out of BYU, go to Chicago, and become a famous designer… at the time that idea did not sound quite that stupid. I grew up on farm, and was adjusting to living in an apartment with more people living in one complex than who lived in my entire neighborhood back home. She was from the Navajo Nation, a place that I had never heard of, and yet I felt drawn to it, all because she said it had irrigation ditches. Before we visited her family for the first time she teased me, bring your visa because this place is not like the rest of the United States. I laughed, but nothing could have prepared me for the life changing experience the visit would have.
The second night of my visit I wrapped myself in the cotton blankets and watched the shadows move across the floor as my reality crumbled. There were people who did not have the same opportunities that I did: education, running water, housing, and even family. I guess I had always known that, but it was “stuff” for national geographic articles and not for the pages of my own life. On the drive home I began to rewrite my life goals.
Currently, I am applying for Early Childhood Education major at BYU and I know that the classes at BYU will prepare me to reach my life goals. While taking notes in class I have begun to understand that I need to teach students that they are lovable, and that they can and should love. I don’t just want to learn how to stand in front of a classroom and talk; I want to learn how to help children kindle a fire for learning and I know that my BYU education can teach me how do that.
The second night of my visit I wrapped myself in the cotton blankets and watched the shadows move across the floor as my reality crumbled. There were people who did not have the same opportunities that I did: education, running water, housing, and even family. I guess I had always known that, but it was “stuff” for national geographic articles and not for the pages of my own life. On the drive home I began to rewrite my life goals.
Currently, I am applying for Early Childhood Education major at BYU and I know that the classes at BYU will prepare me to reach my life goals. While taking notes in class I have begun to understand that I need to teach students that they are lovable, and that they can and should love. I don’t just want to learn how to stand in front of a classroom and talk; I want to learn how to help children kindle a fire for learning and I know that my BYU education can teach me how do that.
Essay #1
I like to walk barefoot, and feel the mud in between my toes. My favorite feeling is running through a barely field with my arms stretched out and my fingers twirling through the heavy heads of grain as the sun changes my pale checks to powder pink. I grew up on a diary farm, were the clicking of train wheels and blasting whistles kept time.
My summers were filled with snapping pliers clipping through barbwire fence, and the harvest was filled with the sloshing of water jugs as they bounced in the back of the truck while we drove across plowed fields. Winter meant the plop of muck boots, and the zip of overall coats. Then, life was not composed of time but rhythm; The rhythm of tire swing chains creak-clank-creak-clank, skipping rocks across the pond plump-plump-bop, and rolling bike tires woo. Sometimes I think that my heart beat is still timed by the beats of rolling gravel and rusted gates that filled my childhood.
Quickly, time became apart of my life as I danced across stages in tights and laced ribbons. My father’s praising words carried me and my mother’s whispered, “I love you,” lifted me above my expectations, but nothing compared to the chime of new words and thoughts as I learned to read. Someone could scrunch their noses and say that I walk to my own beat, but if only they could hear the music of life.
My summers were filled with snapping pliers clipping through barbwire fence, and the harvest was filled with the sloshing of water jugs as they bounced in the back of the truck while we drove across plowed fields. Winter meant the plop of muck boots, and the zip of overall coats. Then, life was not composed of time but rhythm; The rhythm of tire swing chains creak-clank-creak-clank, skipping rocks across the pond plump-plump-bop, and rolling bike tires woo. Sometimes I think that my heart beat is still timed by the beats of rolling gravel and rusted gates that filled my childhood.
Quickly, time became apart of my life as I danced across stages in tights and laced ribbons. My father’s praising words carried me and my mother’s whispered, “I love you,” lifted me above my expectations, but nothing compared to the chime of new words and thoughts as I learned to read. Someone could scrunch their noses and say that I walk to my own beat, but if only they could hear the music of life.
Saturday, January 29, 2011
VA paper #2
Joy Prior
VAEDU 397
Sec 001
Graham, Mark Allen
Indiana, Gary. Kamrooz Aram Uneasy Delights. International Review: Art in America. Print. March 2009. Page 110-121.
Summary
In this article that author Gary Indiana speaks very highly of Kamrooz Aram’s dreamlike artwork. The artist was born in Iran and immigrated to the United States at an early age. The images in his art work portray his experience growing up in the pressure of globalization and the same icons with different representations he recognized in both societies. Throughout the article Indiana takes several of Aram’s famous paintings and discusses some of the religious and cultural inspirations for the work. He also discusses the technical aspects of the painting, and pays particular attention to the shapes and images Aram depicts in his art work. Some of the art work printed in the article includes Three Trees, Rally at the Gates, and Supreme Elevation.
Describes
Many of the Kamrooz Aram’s paintings described in the article included endless horizons, lofty skies, and a floating in the cloud like feeling. Indiana describes Aram’s paintings in a lofty tone that makes the descriptions of the art work seem as whimsical as the paintings themselves. The author believes that some of the artists influences were Persian carpets, cathedral ceilings, Islamic geometries, and ancient miniature figures. Indiana also critiques some of Aram’s drawings, which he believes are obviously different from his paintings. To Indiana Aram’s drawings have more finite lines and greater shape distinction than his paintings.
Interprets
It is important to understand Aram’s cultural heritage and his personal history when critiquing his work, because many of his pieces involve multiple signs from both cultures. Indiana believes that Aram’s work, “does reference the complicated and violent interplay of the West with what is called the Near or Middle East-or, perhaps more accurately, it models, in broad, almost cartoonish fashion, the strange condition of interwoven cultural signifiers and debris the viewer associates with that encounter.” This cartoon like expression of mixed cultural icons takes the controversial issue of cultural superiority and suppression to less confrontational level and makes it easier for the audience to accept the effect of globalization. Indiana seems to particularly enjoy how Aram’s paintings capture the unconsciousness enthusiasm of life by using bright colors and capturing shapes.
Judges
There did not seem to be a single negative judgment in the article about Kamrooz Aram’s work. Indiana paid a particular amount of time critiquing the technical elements of Aram’s art work. He stresses the color choice, and praises the dream like quality of his work. Aram’s canvases with the stormy blues, and jellyfish yellows help the viewer to create a narrative about the work as naturally and subconsciously as if the audience were dreaming. Part of understanding the narratives in Aram’s work is understanding the symbols and being able to interpret his work. The author describes many of the symbolic figures that Aram depicts in his pieces, and then defines the interpretations of the symbols.
Theoretical Stance
There is not a vivid cultural stance on Aram’s work, because of the globalization in the world today it is impossible to take a knife and define where one culture ends and another culture begins. In his work Aram takes the emblems of Persia and cultural aspects of Iran and the Untied States to mold them into a hazy image; the images are as hazy as the distinctions between eastern and western culture are becoming. Some of his work has blazing darts attacking roses, or fireworks exploding with flames engulfing the back ground to depicting what happens when cultures and beliefs combine, a mingling of violence and celebration.
VAEDU 397
Sec 001
Graham, Mark Allen
Indiana, Gary. Kamrooz Aram Uneasy Delights. International Review: Art in America. Print. March 2009. Page 110-121.
Summary
In this article that author Gary Indiana speaks very highly of Kamrooz Aram’s dreamlike artwork. The artist was born in Iran and immigrated to the United States at an early age. The images in his art work portray his experience growing up in the pressure of globalization and the same icons with different representations he recognized in both societies. Throughout the article Indiana takes several of Aram’s famous paintings and discusses some of the religious and cultural inspirations for the work. He also discusses the technical aspects of the painting, and pays particular attention to the shapes and images Aram depicts in his art work. Some of the art work printed in the article includes Three Trees, Rally at the Gates, and Supreme Elevation.
Describes
Many of the Kamrooz Aram’s paintings described in the article included endless horizons, lofty skies, and a floating in the cloud like feeling. Indiana describes Aram’s paintings in a lofty tone that makes the descriptions of the art work seem as whimsical as the paintings themselves. The author believes that some of the artists influences were Persian carpets, cathedral ceilings, Islamic geometries, and ancient miniature figures. Indiana also critiques some of Aram’s drawings, which he believes are obviously different from his paintings. To Indiana Aram’s drawings have more finite lines and greater shape distinction than his paintings.
Interprets
It is important to understand Aram’s cultural heritage and his personal history when critiquing his work, because many of his pieces involve multiple signs from both cultures. Indiana believes that Aram’s work, “does reference the complicated and violent interplay of the West with what is called the Near or Middle East-or, perhaps more accurately, it models, in broad, almost cartoonish fashion, the strange condition of interwoven cultural signifiers and debris the viewer associates with that encounter.” This cartoon like expression of mixed cultural icons takes the controversial issue of cultural superiority and suppression to less confrontational level and makes it easier for the audience to accept the effect of globalization. Indiana seems to particularly enjoy how Aram’s paintings capture the unconsciousness enthusiasm of life by using bright colors and capturing shapes.
Judges
There did not seem to be a single negative judgment in the article about Kamrooz Aram’s work. Indiana paid a particular amount of time critiquing the technical elements of Aram’s art work. He stresses the color choice, and praises the dream like quality of his work. Aram’s canvases with the stormy blues, and jellyfish yellows help the viewer to create a narrative about the work as naturally and subconsciously as if the audience were dreaming. Part of understanding the narratives in Aram’s work is understanding the symbols and being able to interpret his work. The author describes many of the symbolic figures that Aram depicts in his pieces, and then defines the interpretations of the symbols.
Theoretical Stance
There is not a vivid cultural stance on Aram’s work, because of the globalization in the world today it is impossible to take a knife and define where one culture ends and another culture begins. In his work Aram takes the emblems of Persia and cultural aspects of Iran and the Untied States to mold them into a hazy image; the images are as hazy as the distinctions between eastern and western culture are becoming. Some of his work has blazing darts attacking roses, or fireworks exploding with flames engulfing the back ground to depicting what happens when cultures and beliefs combine, a mingling of violence and celebration.
SFL 221 ADP #1
DAP #1
In an effort to enhance children’s early development and learning in the context of supplemental care and education settings as well as at home with parents and family, the National Association for the Education of Young Children (NAEYC) issued a position statement and carefully researched and reviewed information published as Developmentally Appropriate Practice in Early Childhood Programs, Revised Edition (Copple & Bredekamp, 2008 [hereinafter referred to as DAP].
OVERVIEW AND STATEMENT OF THE POSITION
Read pages viii-16 of the DAP Manual and respond to the following questions.
PART 1:
1. Developmentally appropriate practice (DAP) is not a recipe-oriented approach to teaching. Rather, it empowers the professional teacher to make informed decisions. In the section, “Core considerations in developmentally appropriate practice,” three key questions will help you as you make teaching decisions. These 3 considerations should guide all your classroom decisions, so MEMORIZE them. What are these three questions? (4 points)
a. What is known about child development and learning- referring to knowledge of age-related characteristics that permits general predictions about what experiences are likely to best promote children’s learning and development?
b. What is known about each child as an individual-referring to what practitioners learn about each child that has implications for how best to adapt and be responsive to that individual variation?
c. What is known about the social and cultural contexts in which children live- referring to the values, expectations, and behavioral and linguistic conventions that shape children’s lives at home and in their communities that practitioners must strive to understand in order to ensure that learning experiences in the program or school are meaningful, relevant, and respectful for each child and family?
2. Identify 2 specifics points per question of what you have read in the preface and first nine pages which support why are these 3 questions important for you to remember. (6 points)
a. Children need to have opertunities to interact with other children and practice socially positive skills.
In the high-pressure classroom, children are less likely to develop a love of learning and a sense of their own competence and ability to make choices, and they miss much of the joy and expansive learning of childhood.
a. The concern over children learning in Pre-K to enjoy school or is it to much pressure for children at that young of an age.
Proponents also hope that a closer relationship between early-years education and the elementary gradew would lead to enchanced alignment and each sphere’s learning from the other, thus resulting in greater continuity and coherence across the preK-3 span. Many early childhood educators are already quite concerned about the current climate of increased high-stakes testing adversely affecting children in grades K-3, and they fear extension of these effects to even younger children.
b. The importance of knowing the children individually and catering the classroom setting to their learning.
Teachers who have studied how young children learn and develop and effective ways of teaching them are more likely to have this specialized knowledge. Moreover, it is the teacher who is in the classroom every day with children. So it is the teacher (not administrators or curriculum specialists) who is in the best position to know that particular children in the classroom- their interests and experiences, what they excel in and what they struggle with, what they are eager and ready to learn. Without the particular knowledge, determining what is best for those children’s learning, as a group and individually, is impossible.
b. The importance of making decisions to the set up of a student’s curriculum that addresses the administration requirements and the children’s needs.
Even well qualified teachers find it challenging to create from scratch a comprehensive curriculum that addresses all the required standards and important learning goals, as well as designing the assessment methods and learning experiences. The good teaching requires expert decision making means that teachers need solid professional preparation, as well as ongoing professional development and regular opportunities to work collaboratively.
c. The facts that support influence socioeconomic status has on students academic performance.
On starting kindergarten, children in the lowest socioeconomic group have average cognitive scores that are 60% below those of the most affluent group.
c. The facts that support influence ethnicity diversity has on students academic performance.
On starting kindergarten there is a difference among ethnic groups, average math achievement is 21% lower for African American children than for white children and 19% lower for Hispanic children than for non-Hispanic white children.
3. In the Editors’ Preface on pages ix-x, the authors identify 4 interrelated themes that can be seen throughout the remaining pages of the DAP book. As you continue to read the remaining pages for this assignment, identify 2 examples for each of the 4 themes. (8 points)
Excellence and equity
Intentionality and effectiveness
a. In mathematics, for example, children’s learning to count serves as an important foundation for their acquiring an understanding of numerals.
b. The importance of helping children enjoy reading at a young age is because prevention of reading difficulties, for example, is far less difficult and expensive than remediation.
Continuity and change
a. For example, when children begin to crawl or walk, they gain new possibilities for exploring the world, and their mobility affects both their cognitive development and sense of autonomy.
b. Children’s language development influences their ability to participate in social interaction with adults and other children; such interactions, in turn, support their further language development.
Joy and learning
a. It is important for early childhood educators to maintain high expectations and employ all their knowledge, ingenuity, and persistence to find ways to help every child succeed.
b. In the preschool years, teachers can help children develop self-regulation by scaffolding high-level dramatic play, helping children learn to express their emotions, and engaging children in planning and decision making.
PART 2:
The purpose of the assignment is to make sure you have a solid foundation in your understanding of the 12 principles of child development and learning that inform practice. List each principle from the book (to help you memorize the information for a future test!). Then write an original sentence applying the principle - not an example already included in the chapter. I want to see an original application idea so that I know you understand what the principle is trying to tell you. (1 point for each principle – 12 points total)
Principle 1: all the domains of development and learning-physical, social and emotional, and cognitive- are important, and they are closely interrelated. Children’s development and learning in one domain influence and are influenced by what takes place in other domains
Application: When children are physically mature enough to learn and improve in athletics and participate in young teams such as soccer, t-ball, or football they are also about to learn how to improve their social skills by working with team members and their emotional levels by learning how to manage their emotional levels while playing a sport.
Principle 2: Many aspects of children’s learning and development follow well documented sequences, with later abilities, skills, and knowledge building on those already acquired.
Application: A child’s age follows a sequence so it is important to know that mathematics for kindergarten should be organized to cater to the children’s level and not a 5th grade level.
Principle 3: Development and learning proceed at varying rates from child to child, as well as at uneven rates across different areas of a child’s individual functioning.
Application: Children have their own individual level that they learn at, and if a child is understanding the math concept very well than it is ok to let that student move on to another activity or to have that student help the other students in the group comprehend the concept.
Principle 4: Development and learning result from a dynamic and continuous interaction of biological maturation and experience.
Application: If there is a student in the classroom who naturally is particularly immature it is important to not isolate him from the class group, but to give him opportunities that help him to learn how to interact with his peers so that he can learn how to develop social skills using his own talents and strengths.
Principle 5: Early experiences have profound effects both cumulative and delayed, on a child’s development and learning; and optimal periods exist for certain types of development and learning occur.
Application: If English is a second language to a student in the classroom it is important to understand that they might have trouble expressing and understanding English, even if they are able to speak English, they may have fears that they are saying the wrong thing, or be embarrassed about their accent and this could cause them to not speak as often in the classroom.
Principle 6: Development proceeds toward greater complexity, self-regulation, and symbolic or representational capacities.
Application: setting up a kitchen or a baby room in the pre-k room gives children an opportunity to practice being the mom, or roll playing house so that they can learn important social skills and self-regulation skills that come from playing with other children.
Principle 7: children develop best when they have secure, consistent relationships with responsive adults and opportunities for positive relationships with peers.
Application: When children have a new babysitter it is important to trust the babysitter, and the babysitter’s family before leaving a child there, because you want to make sure that they child’s best interests will be protected and that they child will be able to have good relationships with adults.
Principle 8: development and learning occur in and are influenced by multiple social and cultural contexts.
Application: As a teacher I need to recognize that even if I am teaching in Provo Utah not all of my students are going to be members of the Church of Latter Day Saints and that I need to respect their religious beliefs and not preach while I am in class.
Principle 9: Always mentally active in seeking to understand the world around them, children learn in a variety of ways; a wide range of teaching strategies and interactions are effective in supporting all these kinds of learning.
Application: If I was talking about policemen I could invite an officer to the school, or we could visit the police station, and then we could watch videos about officers helping people, and I could ask my students to read a book about policemen or to draw a picture of something that a policeman would have on his uniform.
Principle 10: play is an important vehicle for developing self-regulation as well as for promoting language, cognition, and social competence.
Application: At recess I can make sure that there are different toys for the children to interact with, for example if there are blocks I can ask the children what they want to build and if they seem like they want my help I can help them build a castle, house, garage, or tower depending on what their imagination wants to construct.
Principle 11: Development and learning advance when children are challenged to achieve at a level just beyond their current mastery, and also when they have many opportunities to practice newly acquired skills.
Application: If the class is talking about nature then you could have the class schedule walking time in the daily routine, and learn to identify different plants in preparation for the class to go on a hike into the mountains to observe nature.
Principle 12: children’s experiences shape their motivation and approaches to learning, such as persistence, initiative, and flexibility; in turn, these dispositions and behaviors affect their learning and development.
Application: Teaching in the early grades gives the teacher a great responsibility to not simply teach the students how to read and write but more so how to enjoy learning. In order to help students learn how to enjoy learning I think that one of the things it to let them chose books that they like to read during reading time, or to let them color with the color of crayons that they like the best.
Part 3:
1. How do you think NAEYC defines an early childhood program? What components are important in an early childhood setting? Think back to your childhood learning. Were your early experiences effective according to this definition? (10 points)
I think that the National Association for the Education of Young Children defines an early childhood program as designed program that has learning outcomes and expectations that are set after by an educational professional, who draws on principles of child development and a learning outline, as well as the knowledge base on effective practices, and they apply the information in their practices.
There are a few key elements in establishing an early childhood setting. One of those components is structure, or a daily routine that helps students know what they are expected to do. Having math time, reading time, play time, singing time, and even snake time helps to establish what the expectations are at that particular time. When children have to know what reading time is before they can meet the expectations to sit quietly and listen to the story. Another key component is opportunities to try out the social and emotional skills and even physical skills that they are learning. It is important to have play time with other children so that a student can learn how to share when there is not an adult present, and how to take turns when the teacher is not telling them when it is the next person’s turn.
I had great early experiences in school. My mom was one of the mother helpers for my brother when he was in kindergarten and so I often times got to go with her. Most of the time I just sat in the back and played with the doll house while my mom helped at her group station, but by the time I turned five and was ready to go to school I was not afraid of the elementary school any more because I had been there so many times. My parents were really good to read with me growing up, and my mom would pick me up and ask me about my day. I always had friends at recess, and then my parents made sure to set up play dates with my friends from school so that I could learn how to make and keep friends.
In an effort to enhance children’s early development and learning in the context of supplemental care and education settings as well as at home with parents and family, the National Association for the Education of Young Children (NAEYC) issued a position statement and carefully researched and reviewed information published as Developmentally Appropriate Practice in Early Childhood Programs, Revised Edition (Copple & Bredekamp, 2008 [hereinafter referred to as DAP].
OVERVIEW AND STATEMENT OF THE POSITION
Read pages viii-16 of the DAP Manual and respond to the following questions.
PART 1:
1. Developmentally appropriate practice (DAP) is not a recipe-oriented approach to teaching. Rather, it empowers the professional teacher to make informed decisions. In the section, “Core considerations in developmentally appropriate practice,” three key questions will help you as you make teaching decisions. These 3 considerations should guide all your classroom decisions, so MEMORIZE them. What are these three questions? (4 points)
a. What is known about child development and learning- referring to knowledge of age-related characteristics that permits general predictions about what experiences are likely to best promote children’s learning and development?
b. What is known about each child as an individual-referring to what practitioners learn about each child that has implications for how best to adapt and be responsive to that individual variation?
c. What is known about the social and cultural contexts in which children live- referring to the values, expectations, and behavioral and linguistic conventions that shape children’s lives at home and in their communities that practitioners must strive to understand in order to ensure that learning experiences in the program or school are meaningful, relevant, and respectful for each child and family?
2. Identify 2 specifics points per question of what you have read in the preface and first nine pages which support why are these 3 questions important for you to remember. (6 points)
a. Children need to have opertunities to interact with other children and practice socially positive skills.
In the high-pressure classroom, children are less likely to develop a love of learning and a sense of their own competence and ability to make choices, and they miss much of the joy and expansive learning of childhood.
a. The concern over children learning in Pre-K to enjoy school or is it to much pressure for children at that young of an age.
Proponents also hope that a closer relationship between early-years education and the elementary gradew would lead to enchanced alignment and each sphere’s learning from the other, thus resulting in greater continuity and coherence across the preK-3 span. Many early childhood educators are already quite concerned about the current climate of increased high-stakes testing adversely affecting children in grades K-3, and they fear extension of these effects to even younger children.
b. The importance of knowing the children individually and catering the classroom setting to their learning.
Teachers who have studied how young children learn and develop and effective ways of teaching them are more likely to have this specialized knowledge. Moreover, it is the teacher who is in the classroom every day with children. So it is the teacher (not administrators or curriculum specialists) who is in the best position to know that particular children in the classroom- their interests and experiences, what they excel in and what they struggle with, what they are eager and ready to learn. Without the particular knowledge, determining what is best for those children’s learning, as a group and individually, is impossible.
b. The importance of making decisions to the set up of a student’s curriculum that addresses the administration requirements and the children’s needs.
Even well qualified teachers find it challenging to create from scratch a comprehensive curriculum that addresses all the required standards and important learning goals, as well as designing the assessment methods and learning experiences. The good teaching requires expert decision making means that teachers need solid professional preparation, as well as ongoing professional development and regular opportunities to work collaboratively.
c. The facts that support influence socioeconomic status has on students academic performance.
On starting kindergarten, children in the lowest socioeconomic group have average cognitive scores that are 60% below those of the most affluent group.
c. The facts that support influence ethnicity diversity has on students academic performance.
On starting kindergarten there is a difference among ethnic groups, average math achievement is 21% lower for African American children than for white children and 19% lower for Hispanic children than for non-Hispanic white children.
3. In the Editors’ Preface on pages ix-x, the authors identify 4 interrelated themes that can be seen throughout the remaining pages of the DAP book. As you continue to read the remaining pages for this assignment, identify 2 examples for each of the 4 themes. (8 points)
Excellence and equity
Intentionality and effectiveness
a. In mathematics, for example, children’s learning to count serves as an important foundation for their acquiring an understanding of numerals.
b. The importance of helping children enjoy reading at a young age is because prevention of reading difficulties, for example, is far less difficult and expensive than remediation.
Continuity and change
a. For example, when children begin to crawl or walk, they gain new possibilities for exploring the world, and their mobility affects both their cognitive development and sense of autonomy.
b. Children’s language development influences their ability to participate in social interaction with adults and other children; such interactions, in turn, support their further language development.
Joy and learning
a. It is important for early childhood educators to maintain high expectations and employ all their knowledge, ingenuity, and persistence to find ways to help every child succeed.
b. In the preschool years, teachers can help children develop self-regulation by scaffolding high-level dramatic play, helping children learn to express their emotions, and engaging children in planning and decision making.
PART 2:
The purpose of the assignment is to make sure you have a solid foundation in your understanding of the 12 principles of child development and learning that inform practice. List each principle from the book (to help you memorize the information for a future test!). Then write an original sentence applying the principle - not an example already included in the chapter. I want to see an original application idea so that I know you understand what the principle is trying to tell you. (1 point for each principle – 12 points total)
Principle 1: all the domains of development and learning-physical, social and emotional, and cognitive- are important, and they are closely interrelated. Children’s development and learning in one domain influence and are influenced by what takes place in other domains
Application: When children are physically mature enough to learn and improve in athletics and participate in young teams such as soccer, t-ball, or football they are also about to learn how to improve their social skills by working with team members and their emotional levels by learning how to manage their emotional levels while playing a sport.
Principle 2: Many aspects of children’s learning and development follow well documented sequences, with later abilities, skills, and knowledge building on those already acquired.
Application: A child’s age follows a sequence so it is important to know that mathematics for kindergarten should be organized to cater to the children’s level and not a 5th grade level.
Principle 3: Development and learning proceed at varying rates from child to child, as well as at uneven rates across different areas of a child’s individual functioning.
Application: Children have their own individual level that they learn at, and if a child is understanding the math concept very well than it is ok to let that student move on to another activity or to have that student help the other students in the group comprehend the concept.
Principle 4: Development and learning result from a dynamic and continuous interaction of biological maturation and experience.
Application: If there is a student in the classroom who naturally is particularly immature it is important to not isolate him from the class group, but to give him opportunities that help him to learn how to interact with his peers so that he can learn how to develop social skills using his own talents and strengths.
Principle 5: Early experiences have profound effects both cumulative and delayed, on a child’s development and learning; and optimal periods exist for certain types of development and learning occur.
Application: If English is a second language to a student in the classroom it is important to understand that they might have trouble expressing and understanding English, even if they are able to speak English, they may have fears that they are saying the wrong thing, or be embarrassed about their accent and this could cause them to not speak as often in the classroom.
Principle 6: Development proceeds toward greater complexity, self-regulation, and symbolic or representational capacities.
Application: setting up a kitchen or a baby room in the pre-k room gives children an opportunity to practice being the mom, or roll playing house so that they can learn important social skills and self-regulation skills that come from playing with other children.
Principle 7: children develop best when they have secure, consistent relationships with responsive adults and opportunities for positive relationships with peers.
Application: When children have a new babysitter it is important to trust the babysitter, and the babysitter’s family before leaving a child there, because you want to make sure that they child’s best interests will be protected and that they child will be able to have good relationships with adults.
Principle 8: development and learning occur in and are influenced by multiple social and cultural contexts.
Application: As a teacher I need to recognize that even if I am teaching in Provo Utah not all of my students are going to be members of the Church of Latter Day Saints and that I need to respect their religious beliefs and not preach while I am in class.
Principle 9: Always mentally active in seeking to understand the world around them, children learn in a variety of ways; a wide range of teaching strategies and interactions are effective in supporting all these kinds of learning.
Application: If I was talking about policemen I could invite an officer to the school, or we could visit the police station, and then we could watch videos about officers helping people, and I could ask my students to read a book about policemen or to draw a picture of something that a policeman would have on his uniform.
Principle 10: play is an important vehicle for developing self-regulation as well as for promoting language, cognition, and social competence.
Application: At recess I can make sure that there are different toys for the children to interact with, for example if there are blocks I can ask the children what they want to build and if they seem like they want my help I can help them build a castle, house, garage, or tower depending on what their imagination wants to construct.
Principle 11: Development and learning advance when children are challenged to achieve at a level just beyond their current mastery, and also when they have many opportunities to practice newly acquired skills.
Application: If the class is talking about nature then you could have the class schedule walking time in the daily routine, and learn to identify different plants in preparation for the class to go on a hike into the mountains to observe nature.
Principle 12: children’s experiences shape their motivation and approaches to learning, such as persistence, initiative, and flexibility; in turn, these dispositions and behaviors affect their learning and development.
Application: Teaching in the early grades gives the teacher a great responsibility to not simply teach the students how to read and write but more so how to enjoy learning. In order to help students learn how to enjoy learning I think that one of the things it to let them chose books that they like to read during reading time, or to let them color with the color of crayons that they like the best.
Part 3:
1. How do you think NAEYC defines an early childhood program? What components are important in an early childhood setting? Think back to your childhood learning. Were your early experiences effective according to this definition? (10 points)
I think that the National Association for the Education of Young Children defines an early childhood program as designed program that has learning outcomes and expectations that are set after by an educational professional, who draws on principles of child development and a learning outline, as well as the knowledge base on effective practices, and they apply the information in their practices.
There are a few key elements in establishing an early childhood setting. One of those components is structure, or a daily routine that helps students know what they are expected to do. Having math time, reading time, play time, singing time, and even snake time helps to establish what the expectations are at that particular time. When children have to know what reading time is before they can meet the expectations to sit quietly and listen to the story. Another key component is opportunities to try out the social and emotional skills and even physical skills that they are learning. It is important to have play time with other children so that a student can learn how to share when there is not an adult present, and how to take turns when the teacher is not telling them when it is the next person’s turn.
I had great early experiences in school. My mom was one of the mother helpers for my brother when he was in kindergarten and so I often times got to go with her. Most of the time I just sat in the back and played with the doll house while my mom helped at her group station, but by the time I turned five and was ready to go to school I was not afraid of the elementary school any more because I had been there so many times. My parents were really good to read with me growing up, and my mom would pick me up and ask me about my day. I always had friends at recess, and then my parents made sure to set up play dates with my friends from school so that I could learn how to make and keep friends.
Friday, January 28, 2011
GEOG #4
#4 – SITE/SITUATION
World events are strongly affected by their site and situation. After reading several news articles/events, select one and discuss it in terms of its site/situation. Include any important geographic factors that have contributed to the event. How will the site/situation be affected by the event?
Ramstack, Tom. Arizona Lawmakers Propose Another Tough Illegal Immigration Law. All Headline News. Phoenix, AZ, United States. 28 January, 2011. Web. January 2011.
According to the report the state legislature is planning on passing a bill that will exclude children of immigrants from legal United States citizenship unless the parents were “lawfully” domiciled in Arizona. This purposal will clash head forward with the United States Constitution, because under current Federal law anyone born in the United States is granted citizen ship. This bill is just a few months behind Arizona’s push for the S.B. 1070 which allows police to ask for citizenship papers even if someone is not involved in illegal activity. The article states that at least 10 states have considered proposals similar.
I think that the location of Arizona correlates directly with the intense immigration laws published in the news. The state is right along the Mexico and United States boarder. The state has a high percent of immigrants coming from South America, illegal and legal. Governor Jan Brewer believes that the states along with boarder with Mexico are suffering the most from the federal government’s failure to deal effectively with illegal immigration. Arizona’s location along the boarder makes immigration an intense subject.
It is also important to realize that although Arizona wants to establish laws, and pass bills the state is still apart of the federal government. The states further from the boarder are not discussing similar matters, and although President Obama promised reformation for immigration laws the federal government has not been actively involved in establishing or enforcing illegal immigration laws. The new bill even challenges the federal government. No matter what Arizona wants to do the fact that they are located in the United States limits the liberty the state has with establishing laws.
World events are strongly affected by their site and situation. After reading several news articles/events, select one and discuss it in terms of its site/situation. Include any important geographic factors that have contributed to the event. How will the site/situation be affected by the event?
Ramstack, Tom. Arizona Lawmakers Propose Another Tough Illegal Immigration Law. All Headline News. Phoenix, AZ, United States. 28 January, 2011. Web. January 2011.
According to the report the state legislature is planning on passing a bill that will exclude children of immigrants from legal United States citizenship unless the parents were “lawfully” domiciled in Arizona. This purposal will clash head forward with the United States Constitution, because under current Federal law anyone born in the United States is granted citizen ship. This bill is just a few months behind Arizona’s push for the S.B. 1070 which allows police to ask for citizenship papers even if someone is not involved in illegal activity. The article states that at least 10 states have considered proposals similar.
I think that the location of Arizona correlates directly with the intense immigration laws published in the news. The state is right along the Mexico and United States boarder. The state has a high percent of immigrants coming from South America, illegal and legal. Governor Jan Brewer believes that the states along with boarder with Mexico are suffering the most from the federal government’s failure to deal effectively with illegal immigration. Arizona’s location along the boarder makes immigration an intense subject.
It is also important to realize that although Arizona wants to establish laws, and pass bills the state is still apart of the federal government. The states further from the boarder are not discussing similar matters, and although President Obama promised reformation for immigration laws the federal government has not been actively involved in establishing or enforcing illegal immigration laws. The new bill even challenges the federal government. No matter what Arizona wants to do the fact that they are located in the United States limits the liberty the state has with establishing laws.
SFL Journal week 1
I went to the Kindergarten for the first time this week. It was so much fun. I forgot how much I enjoy working with children. For the hour I was responsible for the activity about the letter H, and the H sound. We were suppose to sing a song that was about Hot Cakes, but I could not really figure out the tune, and the kids really did not care to much about the song. Instead we really tried to list of lots of words with the H sound while we played Hot potato. Some of the children were thinking of words that I would not have even imagined that they would know, and other groups needed a little help to think of more than just the word hot or hotcake or hot potato. They were all really well behaved, and were really interested in the game. I got better at getting the students to think of H words and to interact in the game, but I struggled with developing a pattern to the short activity that went well with the timing of the session. Supposably each of the sessions was fifteen minutes but in my own opinion I think that the timings were all different and that they really did not stick strictly to a fifteen minute season, but then again I could be wrong.
Geography The Long Walk
Joy Prior
January 29, 2011
Otterstorm, Samuel M.
GOEG 120H
Section 001
Geography can stitch the introduction and the climax of the plot with such even stitches that most readers never even see the basic elements of geography in the patchwork of events. While reading The Long Walk it is impossible to not realize that the geography of a story can mold the characters into lumps of clay or mounds of sand.
I enjoyed the book emensly, and felt that it captured an unrepeatable experience. It was the first time in my life when I have read a novel with geography in mind. This new perspective enriched the book. As I read the reality of the impact of geography seemed undeniable in the development and areas of the world.
The novel is written from notes of Slavomir Rawicz’s account of traveling across the Asian continent. He was a member of the Polish army, and imprisoned by the Communist Russia after the war. After being tortured he along with thousands of others were marched across Siberia to a prison camp were the prisoners were expected to starve, freeze, and die before the end of their decades long sentences. Rawicz and six other men make a daring escape with the help of one of the officer’s wife, and begin the long journey to India with the hope of reaching allies who would allow them to return home. While on the escape they meet another escaping prisoner Kristina, and she is adopted into the group. Throughout the novel some of the many geographical elements include cultural, climate, land formations, trade, and human-environment interaction.
The chapter Life Among the Friendly Mongols caught many cultural elements. Throughout this chapter Slavomir Rawicz recounts their experiences with the Mongol people. The company would often work in the fields, or help fish for the locals in exchange for food and shelter. In one of the stories they meet a traveling caravan. The members of the caravan assume that Smith is the leader of the party because they assumed from his grey-streaked beard that he was the eldest of the party. That night when the caravan shared tea with the runaway party they offered the tea to Smith first, and then there was slight confusion as the Mongolian party tried to assume who was next in age. The last people to drink were Rawicz, and Kristina. No one was quite sure if Kristina was given the tea last because she was obviously the youngest or if she was given the tea last because she was a woman.
While reading The Long Walk it is impossible not to notice the impact that the bitter and scalding hot climates had on the travelers. The influence of climate is most noticeable in The Gobi Desert: Hunger, Drought and Death chapter because several of the travelers die in the blinding heat. In this section of the journey it was only the company and nature. In the other regions mentioned in the book the group was able to depend on the locals for food, shelter, and there seemed to be a decent supply of water. The only sign of human life in the Gobi desert was the garbage left behind at an Oasis from a traveling caravan, because of the intense direct sun, lack of water, and low precipitation. After Kristina and Sigmund Makowski’s die the group begins to eat snakes, and searched for water because in this climate it was impossible to survive on anything other than what nature provided.
One of the most majestic land formations mentioned in the novel were the Himalayas. Before entering India the few surviving members of the group cross through the foothills of the Himalayas. The foothills of the Himalayas are not a rolling country side but a jaw of razor sharp mountains. After months of disease, starvation, and torture Rawicz states that the night he spent gasping for air on the foothills of the Himalayas was the longest night of his life. The group hikes, climbs, and trudges forward. Paluchowicz, one of the members of the group, vanishes off a chasm and the men could not even see the bottom of the chasm in their attempt to retrieve his body. The impact that the mountains and chasm land formations had on the long walk was fatal.
When the group enters Tibet in chapter Six Enter Tibet there is an example of the trade and regional interaction for the region. First, Rawicz notices that each of the men in the area carries a wooden bowl. He asks the host and the host responds that a man would trade two yaks for just one bowl. The bowls could not be made in the region, and were made from a special silk wood that polished with age. While Rawicz watches the village he notices how revered the host was because of his understanding of subjects outside of the valley and ability to speak with the visitors. From this example the valley obviously traded with other areas, but there interactions with people from other regions seem rarer and valuable.
As the reader follows the company across the Asian continent there are examples of human-environment interaction, but one of these early examples is found in chapter Baikal and a Fugitive Girl. In this first part of the journey through the frozen forests of Siberia the group does not encounter other travelers. After sighting their first road when they came down from the Baikal Range they began to encounter factory buildings, villages, farmlands, and railroads. In regions were traveling was exceptionally difficult such as in the mountains, desert, and forest there were few to no road ways and rarely travelers. On the other hand in areas that catered to easier traveling there were roads, villages, and farm.
Some of the major geographical elements were cultural, climate, land formations, trade, and human-environment interaction. The diverse geographical elements were as apart of the journey as the innumerable footsteps of the travelers. A reader could not even ignores the geography of The Long walk if they wanted to because the snow covered caped mountains directed which direction the travelers could go and the Gobi desert burned the experiences of the journey into their minds.
January 29, 2011
Otterstorm, Samuel M.
GOEG 120H
Section 001
Geography can stitch the introduction and the climax of the plot with such even stitches that most readers never even see the basic elements of geography in the patchwork of events. While reading The Long Walk it is impossible to not realize that the geography of a story can mold the characters into lumps of clay or mounds of sand.
I enjoyed the book emensly, and felt that it captured an unrepeatable experience. It was the first time in my life when I have read a novel with geography in mind. This new perspective enriched the book. As I read the reality of the impact of geography seemed undeniable in the development and areas of the world.
The novel is written from notes of Slavomir Rawicz’s account of traveling across the Asian continent. He was a member of the Polish army, and imprisoned by the Communist Russia after the war. After being tortured he along with thousands of others were marched across Siberia to a prison camp were the prisoners were expected to starve, freeze, and die before the end of their decades long sentences. Rawicz and six other men make a daring escape with the help of one of the officer’s wife, and begin the long journey to India with the hope of reaching allies who would allow them to return home. While on the escape they meet another escaping prisoner Kristina, and she is adopted into the group. Throughout the novel some of the many geographical elements include cultural, climate, land formations, trade, and human-environment interaction.
The chapter Life Among the Friendly Mongols caught many cultural elements. Throughout this chapter Slavomir Rawicz recounts their experiences with the Mongol people. The company would often work in the fields, or help fish for the locals in exchange for food and shelter. In one of the stories they meet a traveling caravan. The members of the caravan assume that Smith is the leader of the party because they assumed from his grey-streaked beard that he was the eldest of the party. That night when the caravan shared tea with the runaway party they offered the tea to Smith first, and then there was slight confusion as the Mongolian party tried to assume who was next in age. The last people to drink were Rawicz, and Kristina. No one was quite sure if Kristina was given the tea last because she was obviously the youngest or if she was given the tea last because she was a woman.
While reading The Long Walk it is impossible not to notice the impact that the bitter and scalding hot climates had on the travelers. The influence of climate is most noticeable in The Gobi Desert: Hunger, Drought and Death chapter because several of the travelers die in the blinding heat. In this section of the journey it was only the company and nature. In the other regions mentioned in the book the group was able to depend on the locals for food, shelter, and there seemed to be a decent supply of water. The only sign of human life in the Gobi desert was the garbage left behind at an Oasis from a traveling caravan, because of the intense direct sun, lack of water, and low precipitation. After Kristina and Sigmund Makowski’s die the group begins to eat snakes, and searched for water because in this climate it was impossible to survive on anything other than what nature provided.
One of the most majestic land formations mentioned in the novel were the Himalayas. Before entering India the few surviving members of the group cross through the foothills of the Himalayas. The foothills of the Himalayas are not a rolling country side but a jaw of razor sharp mountains. After months of disease, starvation, and torture Rawicz states that the night he spent gasping for air on the foothills of the Himalayas was the longest night of his life. The group hikes, climbs, and trudges forward. Paluchowicz, one of the members of the group, vanishes off a chasm and the men could not even see the bottom of the chasm in their attempt to retrieve his body. The impact that the mountains and chasm land formations had on the long walk was fatal.
When the group enters Tibet in chapter Six Enter Tibet there is an example of the trade and regional interaction for the region. First, Rawicz notices that each of the men in the area carries a wooden bowl. He asks the host and the host responds that a man would trade two yaks for just one bowl. The bowls could not be made in the region, and were made from a special silk wood that polished with age. While Rawicz watches the village he notices how revered the host was because of his understanding of subjects outside of the valley and ability to speak with the visitors. From this example the valley obviously traded with other areas, but there interactions with people from other regions seem rarer and valuable.
As the reader follows the company across the Asian continent there are examples of human-environment interaction, but one of these early examples is found in chapter Baikal and a Fugitive Girl. In this first part of the journey through the frozen forests of Siberia the group does not encounter other travelers. After sighting their first road when they came down from the Baikal Range they began to encounter factory buildings, villages, farmlands, and railroads. In regions were traveling was exceptionally difficult such as in the mountains, desert, and forest there were few to no road ways and rarely travelers. On the other hand in areas that catered to easier traveling there were roads, villages, and farm.
Some of the major geographical elements were cultural, climate, land formations, trade, and human-environment interaction. The diverse geographical elements were as apart of the journey as the innumerable footsteps of the travelers. A reader could not even ignores the geography of The Long walk if they wanted to because the snow covered caped mountains directed which direction the travelers could go and the Gobi desert burned the experiences of the journey into their minds.
GEOG #3
Joy Prior
#3 - Immigration
Many people move from one country to another for a variety of reasons. Choose an article dealing with the immigration of an individual/family/group form one country to another. What push/pull factors exist that encourage immigration? Does relative location play a role? Does the new country welcome the immigrants? What challenges exist for the new country in assimilating the immigrants?
Driver, Pearl S. California University Accused of Being Front for Visa Fraud. India West, News Report. 27 January 2011. Web. 28 January 2011. Web. http://newamericamedia.org/2011/01/calif-university-accused-of-being-front-for-visa-fraud.php
The Tri-Valley University is being charged with abusing the use of student visas. Over 1500 people have enrolled in the university from other countries, and in theory the students are attending the University in California. The only glitch is that most of the students are working in states as far away as Maryland. Not only did the university forge many of the student addresses but there is no record of class progress reports, or attendance records. Hundreds of the students are now fleeing the United States, and the students who were enrolled in the upcoming winter semester have canceled their travel plans.
There were two different groups of immigrants effected by the pull factor. First, it is interesting that there are specific visas in the United States for students. There are enough people immigrating to the United States for and education that the government has issued specific visas for student immigrants. The second group of immigrants were the “student” on student visas living in the United States, but who were not actually attending school. The particular group of immigrants mentioned in this article did not immigrate for an education, but for work opportunities or family. The article did not elaborate why the “students” were living in other parts of the country, but it did mention that illegally worked in various occupations across the country.
There was also a push factor mentioned in this article, legal residency. I thought that it was interesting that as the students were finding out that their visas were in jeopardy they began to flea the country. The other students who were planning on coming to the United States canceled their flights. They were literally pushing to get out of the country because of legal documentation and laws. I had only thought of dramatic things such as famine and civil war being push factors in immigration, but now I see that laws and legal forms can also be a form of push immigration.
Although, this article did not specify if the immigrants were coming to America to be with family I assume that there was some sort of correlation between the “student” immigrants. For starters approximately 95% of the “students” were Indian nationals, mostly Andhra Pradesh. That fact is not really a lot of information, and I from it the reader can only make a crude assumption about the relationships all of the immigrants. In my imagination I can see the dean of Tri-Valley University immigrating to the United States himself and then setting up a system for relatives, friends, and family to work and live in the United States. I can also imagine a group of friends, similar to my own, talking about how they wanted to travel the world. I can hardly blame them for deciding to all immigrate to the states together for a few years by using this beat the system opportunity.
The challenges the United States faces with immigration and how the United States seems to treat immigrants is a very close relationship. For starters America loves immigration. This article points that the government even issues student visas to increase immigration. On the other hand the article emphasizes that the government wants immigrants to enter the states legally and legitimately. In the United States people can make their career by learning how to enforce immigration laws, and deporting people who immigrate to the states illegally. It is often an intense and interesting relationship.
#3 - Immigration
Many people move from one country to another for a variety of reasons. Choose an article dealing with the immigration of an individual/family/group form one country to another. What push/pull factors exist that encourage immigration? Does relative location play a role? Does the new country welcome the immigrants? What challenges exist for the new country in assimilating the immigrants?
Driver, Pearl S. California University Accused of Being Front for Visa Fraud. India West, News Report. 27 January 2011. Web. 28 January 2011. Web. http://newamericamedia.org/2011/01/calif-university-accused-of-being-front-for-visa-fraud.php
The Tri-Valley University is being charged with abusing the use of student visas. Over 1500 people have enrolled in the university from other countries, and in theory the students are attending the University in California. The only glitch is that most of the students are working in states as far away as Maryland. Not only did the university forge many of the student addresses but there is no record of class progress reports, or attendance records. Hundreds of the students are now fleeing the United States, and the students who were enrolled in the upcoming winter semester have canceled their travel plans.
There were two different groups of immigrants effected by the pull factor. First, it is interesting that there are specific visas in the United States for students. There are enough people immigrating to the United States for and education that the government has issued specific visas for student immigrants. The second group of immigrants were the “student” on student visas living in the United States, but who were not actually attending school. The particular group of immigrants mentioned in this article did not immigrate for an education, but for work opportunities or family. The article did not elaborate why the “students” were living in other parts of the country, but it did mention that illegally worked in various occupations across the country.
There was also a push factor mentioned in this article, legal residency. I thought that it was interesting that as the students were finding out that their visas were in jeopardy they began to flea the country. The other students who were planning on coming to the United States canceled their flights. They were literally pushing to get out of the country because of legal documentation and laws. I had only thought of dramatic things such as famine and civil war being push factors in immigration, but now I see that laws and legal forms can also be a form of push immigration.
Although, this article did not specify if the immigrants were coming to America to be with family I assume that there was some sort of correlation between the “student” immigrants. For starters approximately 95% of the “students” were Indian nationals, mostly Andhra Pradesh. That fact is not really a lot of information, and I from it the reader can only make a crude assumption about the relationships all of the immigrants. In my imagination I can see the dean of Tri-Valley University immigrating to the United States himself and then setting up a system for relatives, friends, and family to work and live in the United States. I can also imagine a group of friends, similar to my own, talking about how they wanted to travel the world. I can hardly blame them for deciding to all immigrate to the states together for a few years by using this beat the system opportunity.
The challenges the United States faces with immigration and how the United States seems to treat immigrants is a very close relationship. For starters America loves immigration. This article points that the government even issues student visas to increase immigration. On the other hand the article emphasizes that the government wants immigrants to enter the states legally and legitimately. In the United States people can make their career by learning how to enforce immigration laws, and deporting people who immigrate to the states illegally. It is often an intense and interesting relationship.
Wednesday, January 26, 2011
VA 1 article
Joy Prior
VAEDU 397
Sec 001
Graham, Mark Allen
Holmberg, Ryan. Dystopiaman Tetsumi Kudo: Nuclear angst and ecological breakdown are specters haunting the first U.S. retrospective to treat this major figure of the Japanese postwar ear. International Review: Art in America. Print. March 2009. Page 96-103.
Summary
In the article that author Ryan Holmberg critiques some of the exhibits of Tetsumi Kudo. The author describes some of Kudo’s more recognizable works and discusses some of the signature elements in Kudo’s work through the summary of his life. In 1958, the artist Kudo began his career in performative painting. In the early 1960s when he moved to Europe he began making Nouveau Realisme art. In most of these paintings he continually attacks utopian ideals and humanist beliefs. After working in Paris for twenty years he divided his time between France and Japan. Throughout this time his artwork also began to evolve. In his latter life he uses multicolored string and sculptures to attack the “heart of the matter” in Japan’s culture.
Describes
Kudo used mutated human faces and bright colors in a variety of mediums to capture the audience in an almost grotesque displays. My favorite piece described in the article was Your Portrait May 66 from 1966. It has two lawn chairs beneath fluorescent orange and green parasol under a black light. On each of the chairs there is a wax like corps, one man and one woman. Both figures only have one hand left and in their hand they are holding their most prized organ in a bird cage. In the woman’s bird cage is a heart, and in the man’s is a brain.
The artwork that was my least favorite was Cultivation by Radioactivity in the Electronic Circuit. In this piece Kudo put a human nose, nappy toy mouse, penis, and small cattails growing out of a swamp of fat. All of this is covered in a bubble, and it almost look like a Halloween snow globe. I didn’t like this one for a few reasons, but mainly because of Kudo’s obsession with the male reproductive organ is overwhelmingly degrading. The critic emphasized that the penis represented Kudo’s idea of devolution and the idea that single celled organisms can reproduce. I think this portrayal of the male sex organ makes mankind appear as lowly as swamp slugs, which is an idea that I do not support.
Interprets
The interpretation of Kudo work is centered around a four key subjects: devolution, the effect holocaust nuclear warfare has on mankind, and Japan’s culture. Devolution, the idea that species can regress to a single celled organism, is shown throughout his work mainly through the use of displaying the male reproductive organ in primitive surroundings. His art work often displays organs in nature in an attempt to portray the effect of nuclear activity on mankind. These human figures are often hollowed eyed waxy lumps and seem victims of some unethical artistically choice. Kudo depicts human organs in cages expressing the idea that humans are impression by social ideals. In his later work Kudo included multicolored strings to represent hereditary chromosomes, what he believed linked humankind together, and critiques Japan’s historical problems through statues. The underlining declaration of his work is an anti-utopian perspective and mocks humanists ideals.
Judges
The author, Holmberg, critiques much of Kudo’s work as if he were visiting a freak show. Throughout the article there are phrases such as: pervasively disfigured, catastrophes, painted in awful combinations of pastel and fluorescents colors, and nightmarish vein of Cold War science fiction. Much of what the author has to say about Kudo’s art work seems a fit description of Kudo’s work. Despite the seemingly foul taste some of the pieces leave in the author’s mouth Holmberg recognizes the importance of understanding Kudo’s life perspectives and philosophies when critiquing his pieces. Holmberg describes some of the key theories used throughout Kudo’s work and concludes with a positive reflection on the influence his pieces had in Japan’s politics.
Theoretical Stance
I do not believe that the author agreed with Kudo, but the author did respect the artist enough to strive and understand his work. Holmberg states, “I do not agree that the work is so positive: after all, impotence instituted on a universal scale would entail the end of the species.” The author seems to believe that Kudo’s highly anti-utopia attitude did not formulate a robust political response and was extremely grotesque. Holmberg seems to enjoy some of Kudo’s latter work more, and believes that Kudo found a sort of immortal refuge in critiquing the history of Japan’s culture. He also believes that much of Kudo’s latter work would not be possible or as expressive if Kudo had not explored the profane and harsh subjects portrayed in his earlier art work.
VAEDU 397
Sec 001
Graham, Mark Allen
Holmberg, Ryan. Dystopiaman Tetsumi Kudo: Nuclear angst and ecological breakdown are specters haunting the first U.S. retrospective to treat this major figure of the Japanese postwar ear. International Review: Art in America. Print. March 2009. Page 96-103.
Summary
In the article that author Ryan Holmberg critiques some of the exhibits of Tetsumi Kudo. The author describes some of Kudo’s more recognizable works and discusses some of the signature elements in Kudo’s work through the summary of his life. In 1958, the artist Kudo began his career in performative painting. In the early 1960s when he moved to Europe he began making Nouveau Realisme art. In most of these paintings he continually attacks utopian ideals and humanist beliefs. After working in Paris for twenty years he divided his time between France and Japan. Throughout this time his artwork also began to evolve. In his latter life he uses multicolored string and sculptures to attack the “heart of the matter” in Japan’s culture.
Describes
Kudo used mutated human faces and bright colors in a variety of mediums to capture the audience in an almost grotesque displays. My favorite piece described in the article was Your Portrait May 66 from 1966. It has two lawn chairs beneath fluorescent orange and green parasol under a black light. On each of the chairs there is a wax like corps, one man and one woman. Both figures only have one hand left and in their hand they are holding their most prized organ in a bird cage. In the woman’s bird cage is a heart, and in the man’s is a brain.
The artwork that was my least favorite was Cultivation by Radioactivity in the Electronic Circuit. In this piece Kudo put a human nose, nappy toy mouse, penis, and small cattails growing out of a swamp of fat. All of this is covered in a bubble, and it almost look like a Halloween snow globe. I didn’t like this one for a few reasons, but mainly because of Kudo’s obsession with the male reproductive organ is overwhelmingly degrading. The critic emphasized that the penis represented Kudo’s idea of devolution and the idea that single celled organisms can reproduce. I think this portrayal of the male sex organ makes mankind appear as lowly as swamp slugs, which is an idea that I do not support.
Interprets
The interpretation of Kudo work is centered around a four key subjects: devolution, the effect holocaust nuclear warfare has on mankind, and Japan’s culture. Devolution, the idea that species can regress to a single celled organism, is shown throughout his work mainly through the use of displaying the male reproductive organ in primitive surroundings. His art work often displays organs in nature in an attempt to portray the effect of nuclear activity on mankind. These human figures are often hollowed eyed waxy lumps and seem victims of some unethical artistically choice. Kudo depicts human organs in cages expressing the idea that humans are impression by social ideals. In his later work Kudo included multicolored strings to represent hereditary chromosomes, what he believed linked humankind together, and critiques Japan’s historical problems through statues. The underlining declaration of his work is an anti-utopian perspective and mocks humanists ideals.
Judges
The author, Holmberg, critiques much of Kudo’s work as if he were visiting a freak show. Throughout the article there are phrases such as: pervasively disfigured, catastrophes, painted in awful combinations of pastel and fluorescents colors, and nightmarish vein of Cold War science fiction. Much of what the author has to say about Kudo’s art work seems a fit description of Kudo’s work. Despite the seemingly foul taste some of the pieces leave in the author’s mouth Holmberg recognizes the importance of understanding Kudo’s life perspectives and philosophies when critiquing his pieces. Holmberg describes some of the key theories used throughout Kudo’s work and concludes with a positive reflection on the influence his pieces had in Japan’s politics.
Theoretical Stance
I do not believe that the author agreed with Kudo, but the author did respect the artist enough to strive and understand his work. Holmberg states, “I do not agree that the work is so positive: after all, impotence instituted on a universal scale would entail the end of the species.” The author seems to believe that Kudo’s highly anti-utopia attitude did not formulate a robust political response and was extremely grotesque. Holmberg seems to enjoy some of Kudo’s latter work more, and believes that Kudo found a sort of immortal refuge in critiquing the history of Japan’s culture. He also believes that much of Kudo’s latter work would not be possible or as expressive if Kudo had not explored the profane and harsh subjects portrayed in his earlier art work.
Monday, January 24, 2011
REG #8
Joy Marie Prior
Honors Religion 211
Section 12
Feb 7, 2011
Feb 7, 2011
The Sabbath; The Twelve
My friends and I love to go dancing. I can only think of a few weeks when we have not gone dancing on the weekends, and that would be finals week, and the weeks that everyone is home for the vacation. We love it. Most dances start getting good around eleven, and go until two. After reading about the Sabbath day I could not get the idea of keeping the Sabbath day holy out of my mind, and I made a promise that on Saturday night I would try and be home by midnight.
It was easy enough to make while I was reading my scriptures, but when I was there with my friends, and that song that I like came on, and I was driving everyone, and no one but me wanted to go home, and I did not have church until one, and there I was wondering if I should go home by myself or just stay. At around midnight I told my friends that if they wanted a ride with me I was going; no one really wanted to go. Everyone found another ride home, and I left.
When I got in the car and pulled away from the loud music and flashing lights I could not shake the feeling of overwhelming satisfaction. It filled my whole soul, and when I finally pulled into my apartment parking lot I sat there for a few minutes by myself. The feeling was so complete and full filling that I knew I would have to leave at midnight the next week, and the next, and the next if I wanted to keep this much love in my heart. To leave early was such a small sacrifice, but the reward was immeasurable.
Honors Religion 211
Section 12
Feb 7, 2011
Feb 7, 2011
The Sabbath; The Twelve
My friends and I love to go dancing. I can only think of a few weeks when we have not gone dancing on the weekends, and that would be finals week, and the weeks that everyone is home for the vacation. We love it. Most dances start getting good around eleven, and go until two. After reading about the Sabbath day I could not get the idea of keeping the Sabbath day holy out of my mind, and I made a promise that on Saturday night I would try and be home by midnight.
It was easy enough to make while I was reading my scriptures, but when I was there with my friends, and that song that I like came on, and I was driving everyone, and no one but me wanted to go home, and I did not have church until one, and there I was wondering if I should go home by myself or just stay. At around midnight I told my friends that if they wanted a ride with me I was going; no one really wanted to go. Everyone found another ride home, and I left.
When I got in the car and pulled away from the loud music and flashing lights I could not shake the feeling of overwhelming satisfaction. It filled my whole soul, and when I finally pulled into my apartment parking lot I sat there for a few minutes by myself. The feeling was so complete and full filling that I knew I would have to leave at midnight the next week, and the next, and the next if I wanted to keep this much love in my heart. To leave early was such a small sacrifice, but the reward was immeasurable.
REG #7
Joy Marie Prior
Honors Religion 211
Section 12
Feb 2, 2011
Feb 2, 2011
Spiritual Rebirth; Accepted in Samaria, Rejected in Nazareth
The idea of rebirth has always puzzled me. This week when I was sitting in sacrament I was reflecting on the reading and I wanted experience rebirth. I know that the sacrament is like being baptized again, but I wanted to embrace that feeling. So while I was sitting there I asked for more confirmation about my own spiritual rebirth. I felt a remarkable difference between my heart and motivations before I partook of the sacrament and afterwards. There was a sudden feeling in me that I was changed.
As I thought about how much better I felt about who I was and what I wanted to become I had a sneaking fear that if I did change I would become oddly different. That my friends would think that I was “not being” myself or that I was “rejecting” who I really was if I changed. This fear flaked off of me as I embraced the idea that I wanted to be changed, because if I was changed that could bring me closer to God. I was grateful for the reading and the confirmation that not only can I experience a rebirth but that I can embrace a new and changed self.
Honors Religion 211
Section 12
Feb 2, 2011
Feb 2, 2011
Spiritual Rebirth; Accepted in Samaria, Rejected in Nazareth
The idea of rebirth has always puzzled me. This week when I was sitting in sacrament I was reflecting on the reading and I wanted experience rebirth. I know that the sacrament is like being baptized again, but I wanted to embrace that feeling. So while I was sitting there I asked for more confirmation about my own spiritual rebirth. I felt a remarkable difference between my heart and motivations before I partook of the sacrament and afterwards. There was a sudden feeling in me that I was changed.
As I thought about how much better I felt about who I was and what I wanted to become I had a sneaking fear that if I did change I would become oddly different. That my friends would think that I was “not being” myself or that I was “rejecting” who I really was if I changed. This fear flaked off of me as I embraced the idea that I wanted to be changed, because if I was changed that could bring me closer to God. I was grateful for the reading and the confirmation that not only can I experience a rebirth but that I can embrace a new and changed self.
REG #6
Joy Marie Prior
Honors Religion 211
Section 12
January 31, 2011
January 31, 2011
Baptism and Temptations
The real wow factor in this passage was that Jesus Christ was continually being tempted by the Devil. For some reason I was under the false impression that after the Devil tempted him three times the old serpent gave up. The passages of scriptures that say He will be tempted in all manners and the quote from C.S. Lewis and the passages revealed to me that Jesus Christ was tempted on all different levels, and by all different temptations from the Devil. While I was pondering on the different methods that the Devil tempted Jesus Christ with I started thinking about the different methods that the Devil tempts me. In short I realized that all temptations come from the Devil. I also made the realization that these temptations are to distract me from who I truly am; if I follow the example of Jesus Christ I can overcome temptations by remembering who I am, and following the loving spirit of the Holy Ghost.
Honors Religion 211
Section 12
January 31, 2011
January 31, 2011
Baptism and Temptations
The real wow factor in this passage was that Jesus Christ was continually being tempted by the Devil. For some reason I was under the false impression that after the Devil tempted him three times the old serpent gave up. The passages of scriptures that say He will be tempted in all manners and the quote from C.S. Lewis and the passages revealed to me that Jesus Christ was tempted on all different levels, and by all different temptations from the Devil. While I was pondering on the different methods that the Devil tempted Jesus Christ with I started thinking about the different methods that the Devil tempts me. In short I realized that all temptations come from the Devil. I also made the realization that these temptations are to distract me from who I truly am; if I follow the example of Jesus Christ I can overcome temptations by remembering who I am, and following the loving spirit of the Holy Ghost.
GEOG bibliography
Besmehn, Michelle. National Geographic Channel gets Some New Best Friends: Best Friends Animal Society. Web. National Geographic, 13 Dec. 2007. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
Roach, John. Navajo Help Save Unique Sheep From Extinction. National Geographic News: Reporting Your World Daily. 30 August 2005. Web 28 October 2010. Web 21 January 2011.
The Return of Navajo Boy: Screening & Discussion. National Geographic. Web. 8 September 2008. Web. 21 January 2011.< http://blogs.nationalgeographic.com/blogs/allroads/2008/09/the-return-of-navajo-boy-scree-2.html>.
Roberts, David. Finding Everett Ruess. Web. National Geographic, April/May 2009. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
Miller, Mark. Road Trip: Navajo and Hopi Lands, Arizona: National Geographic’s Drives of a Lifetime Series. Web. National Geographic Traveler. Web. 21 January 2011.
Bruchac, Joseph, Begay, Shonot. Navajo Long Walk: the Tragic Story of a Proud People’s Forced March From Their Homeland. National Geographic Society, 2002. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
Natural Resources. The Navajo Nation Division of Econoimic Development, Window Rock Arizna. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
Roberts, David. Finding Everett Ruess. Web. National Geographic. April/May 2009. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
Shirley, Joe. American Anthropological Association. Menasha, WI. 1963. Web. Navajo Nation. Web. 21 January, 2011.< http://navajopeople.org/navajo-nation.htm>.
Besmehn, Michelle. National Geographic Channel gets Some New Best Friends: Best Friends Animal Society. Web. National Geographic, 13 Dec. 2007. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
Navajo Tribe. Social Studies. Web. 22 January, 2011..
Our News Wrap-up! Best Friends Animal Society. Web. 22 January, 2011.
Roach, John. Navajo Help Save Unique Sheep From Extinction. National Geographic News: Reporting Your World Daily. 30 August 2005. Web 28 October 2010. Web 21 January 2011.
The Return of Navajo Boy: Screening & Discussion. National Geographic. Web. 8 September 2008. Web. 21 January 2011.< http://blogs.nationalgeographic.com/blogs/allroads/2008/09/the-return-of-navajo-boy-scree-2.html>.
Roberts, David. Finding Everett Ruess. Web. National Geographic, April/May 2009. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
Miller, Mark. Road Trip: Navajo and Hopi Lands, Arizona: National Geographic’s Drives of a Lifetime Series. Web. National Geographic Traveler. Web. 21 January 2011.
Bruchac, Joseph, Begay, Shonot. Navajo Long Walk: the Tragic Story of a Proud People’s Forced March From Their Homeland. National Geographic Society, 2002. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
Natural Resources. The Navajo Nation Division of Econoimic Development, Window Rock Arizna. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
Roberts, David. Finding Everett Ruess. Web. National Geographic. April/May 2009. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
Shirley, Joe. American Anthropological Association. Menasha, WI. 1963. Web. Navajo Nation. Web. 21 January, 2011.< http://navajopeople.org/navajo-nation.htm>.
Besmehn, Michelle. National Geographic Channel gets Some New Best Friends: Best Friends Animal Society. Web. National Geographic, 13 Dec. 2007. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
Navajo Tribe. Social Studies. Web. 22 January, 2011.
Our News Wrap-up! Best Friends Animal Society. Web. 22 January, 2011.
GOEG 2nd draft
The Navajo Nation is the Navajo Reservation; it is located in the four-corners area. This is the one place in the world where four states: Utah, Colorado, New Mexico, and Arizona meet, creating a perfect square. The image of four separate identities meeting seems to embody the Navajo Nation. This is a place for differences to meet: the ancestors, tourists, locals, and clans; the Navajo religious tradition, Catholics, Mormons, and modern technology; the desert, mountains, snow, and heat. Unlike other boundaries that a separated by a common river or are divided by a vast ocean, the differences seem to face each other as abruptly as each of the four states. Compared to the skyscrapers and freeway entrances surrounding the Navajo Nation, it seems that change on the reservation happens as slowly as the arches that appear in the sandstone.
My love for the Navajo Nation really started over a conversation about irrigation ditches. I was in my freshman year of college, homesick, and here was someone who knew what an irrigation ditch was. Within no time we started a lifelong friendship. She was from the Navajo Nation, a place that I had never heard of, and yet I felt drawn to it, all because it had irrigation ditches.
For this report I read five particular National Geographic articles, each one relating to one of the five themes of geography. Although most of the information I discuss throughout this paper is my personal reflection and summary of these particular articles I felt that it was important to investigate some of the subjects mentioned in the articles more thoroughly. The other articles that I used are cited by regular MLA citation throughout my paper I hope that the reader is able to recognize the beauty in the land, culture, and traditions of the Navajo Nation.
Location
Besmehn, Michelle. National Geographic Channel gets Some New Best Friends: Best Friends Animal Society. Web National Geographic, 13 Dec. 2007. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
With roughly 27,000 square miles the Navajo Nation is larger than 10 of the 50 states in America and masked by Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona boarders (Navajo). It is the largest Indian reservation on the United States continent. Most of the reservation rests at an altitude between 5,000 and 7,000 feet (Shirley). It is near Lake Powell, by the four corner area, but to the Diné, or the Navajo people, the Navajo Nation is protected by the Four Sacred Mountains.
The Best Friends animal society is an example of one of the surrounding facilities that impacts the reservation. Best Friends is considered a the haven for hundreds of dogs, cats, and other abandoned animals. It is the largest national sanctuary for abandoned and abused animals. Best Friends worked with the Fredonia Humane Society provides free spay and neuter services to the people living in the Gap, an area apart of the Navajo Reservation. The initial program offered a limit to the number of free services, and many locals exceeded the limit. Currently, Best Friends charges most of the members of the Navajo Nation to spay and neuter dogs and cats. Programs such as Best Friends that surround the area are known for establishing programs to help the Navajo Nation, but few of them address many of the major concerns of the Diné
Place
Roach, John. Navajo Help Save Unique Sheep From Extinction. National Geographic News: Reporting Your World Daily. 30 August 2005. Web 28 October 2010. http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2005/08/0830_050830_navajo_sheep_2.html Web 21 January 2011.
The beautiful Navajo rugs are weaved by more than nimble fingers and red dyed wool. For the Diné the wool rugs with the jagged black and red patterns are a woven example of centuries of cultural and history. Despite the United States attempts to civilize the Diné the land between the Four Sacred Mountains seems to cradle the Navajo Traditional Sheepherders.
How the churro sheep transformed the Navajo Nation in the early 1600s. After the Spanish colonists introduced sheep to the Navajo people the Diné transformed into a shepherding society. Oral tradition says the Churro sheep were a gift from the spirits. Tradition says the sheep came to the people when they were ready, and that spiderwomen came to Diné to teach them how to weave the wool. For hundreds of years the Diné have preferred the churro wool because it is less greasy, and requires less precious water in preparation for weaving.
Thousands of churro sheep were slaughtered in 1863 by Colonel Kit Carson’s cavalry in his attempt to relocate the clans to a territory in New Mexico. After failed attempts to capture the Diné the cavalry began to slaughter the Navajo sheep, burn crops, and chop down orchards. Starved and humiliated many of the Diné surrendered to Colonel Kit Carson. He then led a once proud people across hundreds of miles to near starvation in New Mexico, a tragedy which would eventually be known as The Long Walk. Only a few churro sheep herds survived the attacks, but in 1868 at organization of the Navajo Reservation when the Diné were allowed to return to their homelands the Untied States government gave each Navajo two Churro to help create self-sufficiency.
A few decades latter during the 1930s, the Dust Bowl ear, the government slaughtered thousands of the Navajo’s sheep and goats in an attempt to prevent overgrazing. The Navajo were asked to report their flocks to the government, and then the herds would be shipped to the slaughterhouses. Although the agents promised one United States dollar per head most of the 400,000 to 600,000 rotting carcasses shot on sight throughout the reservation were never recorded, let alone paid for. The slaughters continued until there were less than 450 Churro sheep remaining.
In 1977, McNeal started a program called Diné bé iiná, or The Navajo Way of Life, a program based on establishing herds of Churro for the Diné. After searching through the Rocky Mountains the organization was able to gather flocks of remaining Churro sheep and in the early 1980s the program began to distribute herds to the Navajo Nations. Today there are over 8,500 Churro in the United States, but more importantly the Diné have woven the sacred Churro back into their culture. Weavers still ask spiderwomen for help when weaving traditional rugs.
Human-environment interaction
The Return of Navajo Boy: Screening & Discussion. National Geographic. Web 8 September 2008. < http://blogs.nationalgeographic.com/blogs/allroads/2008/09/the-return-of-navajo-boy-scree-2.html> Web 21 January 2011.
If someone were to look at the red and brown stone statues scattered across the pebbled sand it seems ridiculous to believe that people are dying throughout the Navajo Nation because of an abundance of natural resources. Despite the shrubbery lining the stretches of highway the only shadows large enough to cover the assault are cast by the towering mountains, but underneath the sun baked earth is a wealth of natural resources. The discovery of oil, uranium, and coal in the 1920’s still transforms the Navajo Nation Government, the settlement of land, and Diné in immeasurable degrees.
Many attribute larger size and sophisticated forms of Indian government on the Navajo Nation to the organization of the tribal council in 1923 (Jud). In the 1920’s oil, uranium, and coal were discovered in the Navajo Traditional homeland. The Diné formed the Navajo nation Council Chambers in an effort to organize and lease land for mines and businesses. A capital city was established near one of the U.S. army forts, and the Diné began to elect delegates. Today, there are 88 council members that represent the 110 chapters in the Navajo Nation who still meet in Window Rock Arizona, the Navajo Nation capital city, to debate (in Navajo and English) concerns from across the reservation (Navajo).
As interests in the Navajo Nation increased so did the government involvement. In an attempt to help civilize the territory the Diné were encouraged to begin farming. United States delegates distributed land in the eastern border to settlers, tribes, and individuals who were whiling to maintain the property. The unique distribution of land formed what is now known as the Checkerboard, an area that is dotted with private, tribal, and governmentally owned lands. As settlements were established people began to have trade with money instead of sheep or horses (Blake). Traditionally in a Navajo Clan each family member is responsible for supporting his relatives, but as people realized that unlike herds and crops a relative could lie about how much money he possessed some members began to be suspicious of one another (Peter).
The film reviewed in this article captures the reality of the mines on the Navajo Nation. The Return of Navajo Boy was premiered at the Sundance Film Festival in 2000, and resulted in a series of events that launched a federal investigation into the effects of uranium on the Navajo Nation. The producer Jeff Spitz reveals the Cly family’s feelings and personal stories of the mines. Recently the United States Department of Justice paid $100,000 to a former uranium miner (Return). It is important to realize that the poor health of the miners were not the only destructive effects of the mines. Chapters across the reservation have demanded fresh water from their representatives in Window Rock, but even as recent as 2008, over 4,000 Navajo drink water from contaminated wells, and thousands more are subject to exposure and radiation left behind by the mines (Jud). The raised awareness by The Return of Navajo Boy helped to acute the need for environmental justice in the Navajo Nation.
Movement
Miller, Mark. Road Trip: Navajo and Hopi Lands, Arizona: National Geographic’s Drives of a Lifetime Series. National Geographic Traveler. Web Web 21 January 2011.
The next article is a map and recommended road trip through the Navajo Nation and into the Hopi Reservation. It not only includes descriptive directions, but the purpose of the article suggests the important influence tourism has on the Navajo Nation. Most people in the Navajo Nation, locals and tourists, travel along the High Ways. The National Geographic recommend a 425-mile loop route that starts at Tuba city and runs through the Navajo Nation through the Hopi Reservation (a reservation surrounded by the Navajo Nation) and back to tuba city. Some of the sites included in the tour are Navajo National Monument and Canyon de Chelly National Monument. Between each of the suggested stops are hundred mile long stretches of Highways and old Route 59. Most of the cities along the route included a few scattered houses, gas stations, and basketball hoops. Locals race beside the slow driving tourists to reach the grocery store and school. Even though the article recommended Route 59 and US 160 a driver that only travels along the sun bleached assault roads will never see the many faces of the Navajo Nation. Much of the reservation can only be found through the dust clouds made on the wondering dirt roads.
Region
Roberts, David. Finding Everett Ruess. Web National Geographic, April/May 2009. Web. 14 Jan. 2011
As the author investigates the man’s death the reader catches many of the common elements of the Navajo Nation draped throughout the story. For starters the article is about a seventeen-year-old Youngman who disappeared on the Navajo Nation during the 1930s. The impact of the FBI and United State Federal Government has on the Navajo Nation left a signature mark on the regions development.
In the article the influence the Federal government has over the area is lightly laced throughout the story. The Navajo Nation has refused to adopt a new government under the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 three separate times (Navajo). Yet, the Navajo governing council works with the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Federal Bureau of Investigation to enforce laws and perform routine work within the reservation. All proposed laws are reviewed by the United States Secretary of the Interior of Secretarial Review board (Navajo). There are elections on the reservation and members are expected to follow the Navajo Tribal Code. When the Navajo Nation was established Window Rock, Arizona was designated as the capital city because it was near the Fort Defiance army base.
In the article when Bellson discovers the skeleton he calls the author and then the FBI according to Navajo Nation regulations. Bellson recounts that as soon as the FBI agent from Monticello saw the corps she declared it a Navajo Burial site, and concluded it should not be disturbed. Later Bellson contacted Maldonado, the supervisory archaeologist in the Cultural Resource Compliance Section of the Navajo Nation. After Maldonado reviewed the skeleton he concluded that if it was a traditional Navajo Burial the face would have been turned east and in the crevice there would have been a saddle. Today, the location of Window Rock and a forgotten skeleton lying in the sand are only a few examples of the many influence the Federal Government has had over the regional development of the Navajo Nation.
Some of the changes on the Navajo Nation have seemed to happen as slowly as the formation of window rock, while other changes are like the long stretches of high way that extend from one end of the reservation to the other without seeming to end and begin. Still some of the changes are as drastic as the first snow fall: cold, harsh, and slowly melted by the sun. The truth is that in a place with so many differences change is inevitable. One family vacation, I remember feeling the four metallic state line markers trace across my back as I laid on the four-corner plaque smiling for the camera. My heart felt as if it was pounding so deep into the earth that if I stood up I might just lift the whole earth up with me, and I only rolled over off the plaque when my brother insisted it was his turn to try. The plaque itself was hard and the metal pocked and probed me; I had lain with my arms and legs spread out hundreds of times on picnic blankets—why I can still remember that summer vacation was because I knew I was at a place where differences were meeting. When I was there I could not help but to feel a part of the earth and a part of something grander than myself. The Navajo Nations gives me this same feeling, the sensation that beauty can only come at the place were differences can meet.
Navajo Tribe. Social Studies. Web http://www.kidport.com/reflib/SocialStudies/NativeAmericans/Navajo.htm Web 22 January, 2011.
Our News Wrap-up! Best Friends Animal Society. Web http://www.bestfriends.org/ Web 22 January, 2011.
My love for the Navajo Nation really started over a conversation about irrigation ditches. I was in my freshman year of college, homesick, and here was someone who knew what an irrigation ditch was. Within no time we started a lifelong friendship. She was from the Navajo Nation, a place that I had never heard of, and yet I felt drawn to it, all because it had irrigation ditches.
For this report I read five particular National Geographic articles, each one relating to one of the five themes of geography. Although most of the information I discuss throughout this paper is my personal reflection and summary of these particular articles I felt that it was important to investigate some of the subjects mentioned in the articles more thoroughly. The other articles that I used are cited by regular MLA citation throughout my paper I hope that the reader is able to recognize the beauty in the land, culture, and traditions of the Navajo Nation.
Location
Besmehn, Michelle. National Geographic Channel gets Some New Best Friends: Best Friends Animal Society. Web National Geographic, 13 Dec. 2007. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
With roughly 27,000 square miles the Navajo Nation is larger than 10 of the 50 states in America and masked by Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona boarders (Navajo). It is the largest Indian reservation on the United States continent. Most of the reservation rests at an altitude between 5,000 and 7,000 feet (Shirley). It is near Lake Powell, by the four corner area, but to the Diné, or the Navajo people, the Navajo Nation is protected by the Four Sacred Mountains.
The Best Friends animal society is an example of one of the surrounding facilities that impacts the reservation. Best Friends is considered a the haven for hundreds of dogs, cats, and other abandoned animals. It is the largest national sanctuary for abandoned and abused animals. Best Friends worked with the Fredonia Humane Society provides free spay and neuter services to the people living in the Gap, an area apart of the Navajo Reservation. The initial program offered a limit to the number of free services, and many locals exceeded the limit. Currently, Best Friends charges most of the members of the Navajo Nation to spay and neuter dogs and cats. Programs such as Best Friends that surround the area are known for establishing programs to help the Navajo Nation, but few of them address many of the major concerns of the Diné
Place
Roach, John. Navajo Help Save Unique Sheep From Extinction. National Geographic News: Reporting Your World Daily. 30 August 2005. Web 28 October 2010. http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2005/08/0830_050830_navajo_sheep_2.html Web 21 January 2011.
The beautiful Navajo rugs are weaved by more than nimble fingers and red dyed wool. For the Diné the wool rugs with the jagged black and red patterns are a woven example of centuries of cultural and history. Despite the United States attempts to civilize the Diné the land between the Four Sacred Mountains seems to cradle the Navajo Traditional Sheepherders.
How the churro sheep transformed the Navajo Nation in the early 1600s. After the Spanish colonists introduced sheep to the Navajo people the Diné transformed into a shepherding society. Oral tradition says the Churro sheep were a gift from the spirits. Tradition says the sheep came to the people when they were ready, and that spiderwomen came to Diné to teach them how to weave the wool. For hundreds of years the Diné have preferred the churro wool because it is less greasy, and requires less precious water in preparation for weaving.
Thousands of churro sheep were slaughtered in 1863 by Colonel Kit Carson’s cavalry in his attempt to relocate the clans to a territory in New Mexico. After failed attempts to capture the Diné the cavalry began to slaughter the Navajo sheep, burn crops, and chop down orchards. Starved and humiliated many of the Diné surrendered to Colonel Kit Carson. He then led a once proud people across hundreds of miles to near starvation in New Mexico, a tragedy which would eventually be known as The Long Walk. Only a few churro sheep herds survived the attacks, but in 1868 at organization of the Navajo Reservation when the Diné were allowed to return to their homelands the Untied States government gave each Navajo two Churro to help create self-sufficiency.
A few decades latter during the 1930s, the Dust Bowl ear, the government slaughtered thousands of the Navajo’s sheep and goats in an attempt to prevent overgrazing. The Navajo were asked to report their flocks to the government, and then the herds would be shipped to the slaughterhouses. Although the agents promised one United States dollar per head most of the 400,000 to 600,000 rotting carcasses shot on sight throughout the reservation were never recorded, let alone paid for. The slaughters continued until there were less than 450 Churro sheep remaining.
In 1977, McNeal started a program called Diné bé iiná, or The Navajo Way of Life, a program based on establishing herds of Churro for the Diné. After searching through the Rocky Mountains the organization was able to gather flocks of remaining Churro sheep and in the early 1980s the program began to distribute herds to the Navajo Nations. Today there are over 8,500 Churro in the United States, but more importantly the Diné have woven the sacred Churro back into their culture. Weavers still ask spiderwomen for help when weaving traditional rugs.
Human-environment interaction
The Return of Navajo Boy: Screening & Discussion. National Geographic. Web 8 September 2008. < http://blogs.nationalgeographic.com/blogs/allroads/2008/09/the-return-of-navajo-boy-scree-2.html> Web 21 January 2011.
If someone were to look at the red and brown stone statues scattered across the pebbled sand it seems ridiculous to believe that people are dying throughout the Navajo Nation because of an abundance of natural resources. Despite the shrubbery lining the stretches of highway the only shadows large enough to cover the assault are cast by the towering mountains, but underneath the sun baked earth is a wealth of natural resources. The discovery of oil, uranium, and coal in the 1920’s still transforms the Navajo Nation Government, the settlement of land, and Diné in immeasurable degrees.
Many attribute larger size and sophisticated forms of Indian government on the Navajo Nation to the organization of the tribal council in 1923 (Jud). In the 1920’s oil, uranium, and coal were discovered in the Navajo Traditional homeland. The Diné formed the Navajo nation Council Chambers in an effort to organize and lease land for mines and businesses. A capital city was established near one of the U.S. army forts, and the Diné began to elect delegates. Today, there are 88 council members that represent the 110 chapters in the Navajo Nation who still meet in Window Rock Arizona, the Navajo Nation capital city, to debate (in Navajo and English) concerns from across the reservation (Navajo).
As interests in the Navajo Nation increased so did the government involvement. In an attempt to help civilize the territory the Diné were encouraged to begin farming. United States delegates distributed land in the eastern border to settlers, tribes, and individuals who were whiling to maintain the property. The unique distribution of land formed what is now known as the Checkerboard, an area that is dotted with private, tribal, and governmentally owned lands. As settlements were established people began to have trade with money instead of sheep or horses (Blake). Traditionally in a Navajo Clan each family member is responsible for supporting his relatives, but as people realized that unlike herds and crops a relative could lie about how much money he possessed some members began to be suspicious of one another (Peter).
The film reviewed in this article captures the reality of the mines on the Navajo Nation. The Return of Navajo Boy was premiered at the Sundance Film Festival in 2000, and resulted in a series of events that launched a federal investigation into the effects of uranium on the Navajo Nation. The producer Jeff Spitz reveals the Cly family’s feelings and personal stories of the mines. Recently the United States Department of Justice paid $100,000 to a former uranium miner (Return). It is important to realize that the poor health of the miners were not the only destructive effects of the mines. Chapters across the reservation have demanded fresh water from their representatives in Window Rock, but even as recent as 2008, over 4,000 Navajo drink water from contaminated wells, and thousands more are subject to exposure and radiation left behind by the mines (Jud). The raised awareness by The Return of Navajo Boy helped to acute the need for environmental justice in the Navajo Nation.
Movement
Miller, Mark. Road Trip: Navajo and Hopi Lands, Arizona: National Geographic’s Drives of a Lifetime Series. National Geographic Traveler. Web Web 21 January 2011.
The next article is a map and recommended road trip through the Navajo Nation and into the Hopi Reservation. It not only includes descriptive directions, but the purpose of the article suggests the important influence tourism has on the Navajo Nation. Most people in the Navajo Nation, locals and tourists, travel along the High Ways. The National Geographic recommend a 425-mile loop route that starts at Tuba city and runs through the Navajo Nation through the Hopi Reservation (a reservation surrounded by the Navajo Nation) and back to tuba city. Some of the sites included in the tour are Navajo National Monument and Canyon de Chelly National Monument. Between each of the suggested stops are hundred mile long stretches of Highways and old Route 59. Most of the cities along the route included a few scattered houses, gas stations, and basketball hoops. Locals race beside the slow driving tourists to reach the grocery store and school. Even though the article recommended Route 59 and US 160 a driver that only travels along the sun bleached assault roads will never see the many faces of the Navajo Nation. Much of the reservation can only be found through the dust clouds made on the wondering dirt roads.
Region
Roberts, David. Finding Everett Ruess. Web National Geographic, April/May 2009. Web. 14 Jan. 2011
As the author investigates the man’s death the reader catches many of the common elements of the Navajo Nation draped throughout the story. For starters the article is about a seventeen-year-old Youngman who disappeared on the Navajo Nation during the 1930s. The impact of the FBI and United State Federal Government has on the Navajo Nation left a signature mark on the regions development.
In the article the influence the Federal government has over the area is lightly laced throughout the story. The Navajo Nation has refused to adopt a new government under the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 three separate times (Navajo). Yet, the Navajo governing council works with the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Federal Bureau of Investigation to enforce laws and perform routine work within the reservation. All proposed laws are reviewed by the United States Secretary of the Interior of Secretarial Review board (Navajo). There are elections on the reservation and members are expected to follow the Navajo Tribal Code. When the Navajo Nation was established Window Rock, Arizona was designated as the capital city because it was near the Fort Defiance army base.
In the article when Bellson discovers the skeleton he calls the author and then the FBI according to Navajo Nation regulations. Bellson recounts that as soon as the FBI agent from Monticello saw the corps she declared it a Navajo Burial site, and concluded it should not be disturbed. Later Bellson contacted Maldonado, the supervisory archaeologist in the Cultural Resource Compliance Section of the Navajo Nation. After Maldonado reviewed the skeleton he concluded that if it was a traditional Navajo Burial the face would have been turned east and in the crevice there would have been a saddle. Today, the location of Window Rock and a forgotten skeleton lying in the sand are only a few examples of the many influence the Federal Government has had over the regional development of the Navajo Nation.
Some of the changes on the Navajo Nation have seemed to happen as slowly as the formation of window rock, while other changes are like the long stretches of high way that extend from one end of the reservation to the other without seeming to end and begin. Still some of the changes are as drastic as the first snow fall: cold, harsh, and slowly melted by the sun. The truth is that in a place with so many differences change is inevitable. One family vacation, I remember feeling the four metallic state line markers trace across my back as I laid on the four-corner plaque smiling for the camera. My heart felt as if it was pounding so deep into the earth that if I stood up I might just lift the whole earth up with me, and I only rolled over off the plaque when my brother insisted it was his turn to try. The plaque itself was hard and the metal pocked and probed me; I had lain with my arms and legs spread out hundreds of times on picnic blankets—why I can still remember that summer vacation was because I knew I was at a place where differences were meeting. When I was there I could not help but to feel a part of the earth and a part of something grander than myself. The Navajo Nations gives me this same feeling, the sensation that beauty can only come at the place were differences can meet.
Navajo Tribe. Social Studies. Web http://www.kidport.com/reflib/SocialStudies/NativeAmericans/Navajo.htm Web 22 January, 2011.
Our News Wrap-up! Best Friends Animal Society. Web http://www.bestfriends.org/ Web 22 January, 2011.
Saturday, January 22, 2011
GEOG REPORT Rough draft
The Navajo Nation is the Navajo Reservation; it is located in the four-corners area. This is the one place in the world where four states: Utah, Colorado, New Mexico, and Arizona meet, creating a perfect square. The image of four separate identities meeting seems to embody the Navajo Nation. This is a place for differences to meet: the ancestors, tourists, locals, and clans; the Navajo religious tradition, Catholics, Mormons, and modern technology; the desert, mountains, snow, and heat. Unlike other boundaries that a separated by a common river or are divided by a vast ocean, the differences seem to face each other as abruptly as each of the four states. Compared to the skyscrapers and freeway entrances surrounding the Navajo Nation, it seems that change on the reservation happens as slowly as the arches that appear in the sandstone.
My love for the Navajo Nation really started over a conversation about irrigation ditches. I was in my freshman year of college, homesick, and here was someone who knew what an irrigation ditch was. Within no time we started a lifelong friendship. She was from the Navajo Nation, a place that I had never heard of, and yet I felt drawn to it, all because it had irrigation ditches.
For this report I read five particular National Geographic articles, each one relating to one of the five themes of geography. Although most of the information I discuss throughout this paper is my personal reflection and summary of these particular articles I felt that it was important to investigate some of the subjects mentioned in the articles more thoroughly. The other articles that I used are cited by regular MLA citation throughout my paper I hope that the reader is able to recognize the beauty in the land, culture, and traditions of the Navajo Nation.
Location
Besmehn, Michelle. National Geographic Channel gets Some New Best Friends: Best Friends Animal Society. Web National Geographic, 13 Dec. 2007. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
With roughly 27,000 square miles the Navajo Nation is larger than 10 of the 50 states in America and masked by Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona boarders (Navajo). It is the largest Indian reservation on the United States continent. Most of the reservation rests at an altitude between 5,000 and 7,000 feet (Shirley). It is near Lake Powell, by the four corner area, but to the Diné, or the Navajo people, the Navajo Nation is protected by the Four Sacred Mountains.
The Best Friends animal society is an example of one of the surrounding facilities that impacts the reservation. Best Friends is considered a the haven for hundreds of dogs, cats, and other abandoned animals. It is the largest national sanctuary for abandoned and abused animals. The Fredonia Humane Society provides free spay and neuter services to the people living in the Gap, an area apart of the Navajo Reservation. The initial program offered free services, many locals exceeded the limit to the organization set for the amount of individual animals. Currently, Best Friends charges most of the members of the Navajo Nation to spay and neuter dogs and cats. Programs such as Best Friends that surround the area are known for establishing programs to “help” the Navajo Nation, but few of them address many of the major concerns of the Diné
Place
Roach, John. Navajo Help Save Unique Sheep From Extinction. National Geographic News: Reporting Your World Daily. 30 August 2005. Web 28 October 2010. http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2005/08/0830_050830_navajo_sheep_2.html Web 21 January 2011.
The beautiful Navajo rugs are weaved by more than nimble fingers and red dyed wool. Into each of the rugs is sown the soul of the weaver, the Navajo holy sprits, and traditions that stretch further than the yards of wool could ever reach. Despite the United States attempts to civilize the Diné the land between the Four Sacred Mountains seems to cradle the Navajo Traditional Sheepherders; the annual rainfall on the reservation is less than 15 inches, with more than 50% of the reservation classified as desert, and less than 10% of the land is available for irrigation (Shirley). Few things are able to flourish on the reservation as well as the Diné traditions. The black and red wool rugs with the jagged patterns weave together centuries of the cultural and history of the Diné.
How the churro sheep transformed the Navajo Nation in the early 1600s. When the Spanish colonists first came to the West they introduced sheep to the Navajo people. As the domestic sheep herds were introduced to the Diné transformed into a shepherding society. Oral tradition says the Churro sheep were a gift from the spirits. Tradition says the sheep came to the people when they were ready, and that spiderwomen came to Diné to teach them how to weave. For hundreds of years the Diné have preferred the churro wool because it is less greasy, and requires less precious in preparation for weaving.
Thousands of churro sheep were slaughtered in 1863 by Colonel Kit Carson’s cavalry in his attempt to relocate the clans to a territory in New Mexico. After failed attempts to capture the Diné the cavalry began to slaughter the Navajo sheep, burn crops, and chop down orchards. Starved and humiliated many of the Diné surrendered to Colonel Kit Carson. He led a once proud people across hundreds of miles into unspeakable conditions to near starvation in New Mexico, a tragedy which would eventually be known as The Long Walk. Only a few churro sheep herds survived the attacks, but in 1868 when the Diné were allowed to return to their homelands at organization of the Navajo Reservation the government gave each Navajo two Churro to help create self-sufficiency.
A few decades latter during the 1930s, the Dust Bowl ear, the government slaughtered thousands of the Navajo’s sheep and goats in an attempt to prevent overgrazing. The Navajo were asked to report their flocks to the government, and then the herds would be shipped to the slaughterhouses. Although the agents promised one U.S. dollar per head most of the 400,000 to 600,000 rotting carcasses shot on sight throughout the reservation were never recorded, let alone paid for. The program continued until there were less than 450 Churro sheep remaining.
McNeal started a program called Diné bé iiná, or The Navajo Lifeway, in 1977 that is based on establishing herds of Churro for the Diné. After search through the Rocky Mountains the organization was able to gather flocks of remaining Churro sheep and in the early 1980s the program began to distribute herds to the Navajo Nations. Today there are over 8,500 Churro in the United States, but more importantly the Diné have been able to weave the sacred Churro back into their culture. Weavers still ask spiderwomen to help them weave traditional rugs, and the people feel strongly the Creator spirit is pleased with the respectful care of the sheep.
Human-environment interaction
The Return of Navajo Boy: Screening & Discussion. National Geographic. Web 8 September 2008. < http://blogs.nationalgeographic.com/blogs/allroads/2008/09/the-return-of-navajo-boy-scree-2.html> Web 21 January 2011.
If someone were to look at the red and brown stone statues scattered across the pebbled sand it seems ridiculous to believe that people are dying throughout the Navajo Nation because of an abundance of natural resources. Despite the shrubbery lining the stretches of highway the only shadows large enough to cover the assault are cast by the towering mountains, but underneath the sun baked earth is a wealth of natural resources. The discovery of oil, uranium, and coal in the 1920’s still transforms the Navajo Nation Government, the settlement of land, and Diné in immeasurable degrees.
Many attribute larger size and sophisticated forms of Indian government on the Navajo Nation to the organization of the tribal council in 1923 (Jud). In the 1920’s oil, uranium, and coal were discovered in the Navajo Traditional homeland. The Diné formed the Navajo nation Council Chambers in an effort to organize and lease land for mines and businesses. A capital city was established near one of the U.S. army forts, and the Diné began to elect delegates. Today, there are 88 council members that represent the 110 chapters in the Navajo Nation who still meet in Window Rock, to debate (in Navajo and English) concerns from across the reservation (Navajo).
As the interests in the Navajo Nation increased so did the government involvement. In an attempt to help civilize the territory the Diné were encouraged to begin farming. The Navajo Nation Capitol city Window Rock Arizona was established near a U.S. army Fort and delegates began to distribute land across the eastern border to settlers, tribes, and individuals who were whiling to maintain the property. The unique distribution formed what is now known as the Checkerboard, an area that is dotted with private, tribal, and governmentally owned lands. As settlements were established people began to have trade with money instead of sheep or horses (Blake). Traditionally in a Navajo Clan each family member is responsible for supporting his relatives, but the members began to be suspicious of one another as each realized that unlike herds and crops a relative could lie about how much money he possessed (Peter).
The film reviewed in this article captures the reality of the mines on the Navajo Nation. The Return of Navajo Boy was premiered at the Sundance Film Festival in 2000, and resulted in a series of events that launched a federal investigation into the effects of uranium on the Navajo Nation. The producer Jeff Spitz reveals the Cly family’s feelings, and personal stories of the mines. Recently the United States Department of Justice paid $100,000 to a former uranium miner (Return). It is important to realize that the poor health of the miners were not the only destructive effects of the mines. Chapters across the reservation have demanded fresh water from their representatives in Window Rock, but even as recent as 2008, over 4,000 Navajo drink water from contaminated wells, and thousands more are subject to exposure and radiation left behind by the mines (Jud). The raised awareness by The Return of Navajo Boy helped to acute the need for environmental justice in the Navajo Nation.
Movement
Miller, Mark. Road Trip: Navajo and Hopi Lands, Arizona: National Geographic’s Drives of a Lifetime Series. National Geographic Traveler. Web
The next article is a map and recommended road trip through the Navajo Nation and into the Hopi Reservation. It not only includes descriptive directions, but the purpose of the article describes the important influence tourism has on the Navajo Nation.
Most people in the Navajo Nation, locals and tourists, travel along the stretches of High Ways. The National Geographic recommend a 425-mile loop route that starts at Tuba city and runs through the Navajo Nation through the Hopi Reservation (a reservation surrounded by the Navajo Nation) and back to tuba city. Some of the sites included Navajo National Monument, Canyon de Chelly National Monument, and Hopi Indian reservation villages. Between each of the suggested sites are directions along hundred mile stretches of Highways and old Route 59. Most of the cities scattered along the route included a few scattered houses, gestations, and basketball hoops. Locals race beside the slow driving tourists to grocery stores and malls. Even though the article recommended Route 59 and US 160 the driver that will only travel along the sun bleached assault roads would never see the many faces of the Navajo Nation. Much of the reservation can only be found through the dust clouds made on the dirt roads that wonder through the red rocks.
Region
Roberts, David. Finding Everett Ruess. Web National Geographic, April/May 2009. Web. 14 Jan. 2011
The story told in this article frames the region of the Navajo Nation as delicately as window curtains. For starters the article is about a seventeen-year-old Youngman who disappeared on the Navajo Nation during the 1930s. As the author investigates the man’s death the reader catches many of the common elements of the Navajo Nation draped throughout the story. The influence and power of the FBI and United State Federal Government has left a signature mark on the development and establishment of the Navajo Nation.
The Navajo Nation has refused to adopt a new government under the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 three times (Navajo). Yet, the Navajo governing council works with the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Federal Bureau of Investigation to enforce laws and perform routine work within the reservation. All proposed laws are reviewed by the United States Secretary of the Interior of Secretarial Review board (Navajo). There are elections on the reservation and members are expected to follow the Navajo Tribal Code. When the Navajo Nation was established Window Rock, Arizona was designated as the capital city because it was near the Fort Defiance army base.
In the article the influence the Federal government has over the area is lightly laced throughout the story. In the article when Bellson discovers the skeleton he calls the author and then the FBI according to Navajo Nation regulations. Bellson recounts that as soon as the FBI agent from Monticello saw the corps she declared it a Navajo Burial site, and concluded that it should not be disturbed. Later Bellson contacted Maldonado, the supervisory archaeologist in the Cultural Resource Compliance Section of the Navajo Nation. After Maldonado reviewed the skeleton he concluded that if it was a traditional Navajo Burial the face would have been turned east, in the crevice there would have been the saddle, and the horse would have been killed too.
In the article when Aneth Nez, Bellson’s grandfather, was after being diagnosed with cancer at a modern hospital he visited a medicine man to cure him. When the medicine man learned that Aneth had moved the corps of the murder victim in the 1930’s the medicine man told Aneth that he needed to take a piece of hair from the skeleton to help him ride the spirit. At the end of the five-day curing ceremony the medicine man shot the lock of hair he had collected with a gun, to destroy it completely. The irony in this story demonstrates how inescapable the influence of the Technoloyg, and the United States government has had on the Diné. Although Aneth wanted to be cured traditionally and not according to white man medicine. The ceremony included a gun. The two different cultures are as close together as the mud covered hogans and leaking trailers that are seen side-by-side from the highway. Today, the location of Window Rock, a forgotten skeleton lying in the sand, and the tradition and modern health services are only a few examples of the many influence the Federal Government has had over the regional development of the Navajo Nation.
Some of the changes on the Navajo Nation have seemed to happen as slowly as the formation of window rock, while other changes are like the long stretches of high way that extend from one end of the reservation to the other without seeming to end and begin. Still some of the changes are as drastic as the first snow fall: cold, harsh, and slowly melted by the sun. The truth is that in a place with so many differences change is inevitable. One family vacation, I remember feeling the four metallic state line markers trace across my back as I laid on the four-corner plaque smiling for the camera. My heart felt as if it was pounding so deep into the earth that if I stood up I might just lift the whole earth up with me, and I only rolled over off the plaque when my brother insisted it was his turn to try. The plaque itself was hard and the metal pocked and probed me; I had lain with my arms and legs spread out hundreds of times on picnic blankets—why I can still remember that summer vacation was because I knew I was at a place where differences were meeting. When I was there I could not help but to feel a part of the earth and a part of something grander than myself. The Navajo Nations gives me this same feeling, the sensation that beauty can only come at the place were differences can meet.
Navajo Tribe. Social Studies. Web http://www.kidport.com/reflib/SocialStudies/NativeAmericans/Navajo.htm Web 22 January, 2011.
Our News Wrap-up! Best Friends Animal Society. Web http://www.bestfriends.org/ Web 22 January, 2011.
My love for the Navajo Nation really started over a conversation about irrigation ditches. I was in my freshman year of college, homesick, and here was someone who knew what an irrigation ditch was. Within no time we started a lifelong friendship. She was from the Navajo Nation, a place that I had never heard of, and yet I felt drawn to it, all because it had irrigation ditches.
For this report I read five particular National Geographic articles, each one relating to one of the five themes of geography. Although most of the information I discuss throughout this paper is my personal reflection and summary of these particular articles I felt that it was important to investigate some of the subjects mentioned in the articles more thoroughly. The other articles that I used are cited by regular MLA citation throughout my paper I hope that the reader is able to recognize the beauty in the land, culture, and traditions of the Navajo Nation.
Location
Besmehn, Michelle. National Geographic Channel gets Some New Best Friends: Best Friends Animal Society. Web National Geographic, 13 Dec. 2007. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
With roughly 27,000 square miles the Navajo Nation is larger than 10 of the 50 states in America and masked by Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona boarders (Navajo). It is the largest Indian reservation on the United States continent. Most of the reservation rests at an altitude between 5,000 and 7,000 feet (Shirley). It is near Lake Powell, by the four corner area, but to the Diné, or the Navajo people, the Navajo Nation is protected by the Four Sacred Mountains.
The Best Friends animal society is an example of one of the surrounding facilities that impacts the reservation. Best Friends is considered a the haven for hundreds of dogs, cats, and other abandoned animals. It is the largest national sanctuary for abandoned and abused animals. The Fredonia Humane Society provides free spay and neuter services to the people living in the Gap, an area apart of the Navajo Reservation. The initial program offered free services, many locals exceeded the limit to the organization set for the amount of individual animals. Currently, Best Friends charges most of the members of the Navajo Nation to spay and neuter dogs and cats. Programs such as Best Friends that surround the area are known for establishing programs to “help” the Navajo Nation, but few of them address many of the major concerns of the Diné
Place
Roach, John. Navajo Help Save Unique Sheep From Extinction. National Geographic News: Reporting Your World Daily. 30 August 2005. Web 28 October 2010. http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2005/08/0830_050830_navajo_sheep_2.html Web 21 January 2011.
The beautiful Navajo rugs are weaved by more than nimble fingers and red dyed wool. Into each of the rugs is sown the soul of the weaver, the Navajo holy sprits, and traditions that stretch further than the yards of wool could ever reach. Despite the United States attempts to civilize the Diné the land between the Four Sacred Mountains seems to cradle the Navajo Traditional Sheepherders; the annual rainfall on the reservation is less than 15 inches, with more than 50% of the reservation classified as desert, and less than 10% of the land is available for irrigation (Shirley). Few things are able to flourish on the reservation as well as the Diné traditions. The black and red wool rugs with the jagged patterns weave together centuries of the cultural and history of the Diné.
How the churro sheep transformed the Navajo Nation in the early 1600s. When the Spanish colonists first came to the West they introduced sheep to the Navajo people. As the domestic sheep herds were introduced to the Diné transformed into a shepherding society. Oral tradition says the Churro sheep were a gift from the spirits. Tradition says the sheep came to the people when they were ready, and that spiderwomen came to Diné to teach them how to weave. For hundreds of years the Diné have preferred the churro wool because it is less greasy, and requires less precious in preparation for weaving.
Thousands of churro sheep were slaughtered in 1863 by Colonel Kit Carson’s cavalry in his attempt to relocate the clans to a territory in New Mexico. After failed attempts to capture the Diné the cavalry began to slaughter the Navajo sheep, burn crops, and chop down orchards. Starved and humiliated many of the Diné surrendered to Colonel Kit Carson. He led a once proud people across hundreds of miles into unspeakable conditions to near starvation in New Mexico, a tragedy which would eventually be known as The Long Walk. Only a few churro sheep herds survived the attacks, but in 1868 when the Diné were allowed to return to their homelands at organization of the Navajo Reservation the government gave each Navajo two Churro to help create self-sufficiency.
A few decades latter during the 1930s, the Dust Bowl ear, the government slaughtered thousands of the Navajo’s sheep and goats in an attempt to prevent overgrazing. The Navajo were asked to report their flocks to the government, and then the herds would be shipped to the slaughterhouses. Although the agents promised one U.S. dollar per head most of the 400,000 to 600,000 rotting carcasses shot on sight throughout the reservation were never recorded, let alone paid for. The program continued until there were less than 450 Churro sheep remaining.
McNeal started a program called Diné bé iiná, or The Navajo Lifeway, in 1977 that is based on establishing herds of Churro for the Diné. After search through the Rocky Mountains the organization was able to gather flocks of remaining Churro sheep and in the early 1980s the program began to distribute herds to the Navajo Nations. Today there are over 8,500 Churro in the United States, but more importantly the Diné have been able to weave the sacred Churro back into their culture. Weavers still ask spiderwomen to help them weave traditional rugs, and the people feel strongly the Creator spirit is pleased with the respectful care of the sheep.
Human-environment interaction
The Return of Navajo Boy: Screening & Discussion. National Geographic. Web 8 September 2008. < http://blogs.nationalgeographic.com/blogs/allroads/2008/09/the-return-of-navajo-boy-scree-2.html> Web 21 January 2011.
If someone were to look at the red and brown stone statues scattered across the pebbled sand it seems ridiculous to believe that people are dying throughout the Navajo Nation because of an abundance of natural resources. Despite the shrubbery lining the stretches of highway the only shadows large enough to cover the assault are cast by the towering mountains, but underneath the sun baked earth is a wealth of natural resources. The discovery of oil, uranium, and coal in the 1920’s still transforms the Navajo Nation Government, the settlement of land, and Diné in immeasurable degrees.
Many attribute larger size and sophisticated forms of Indian government on the Navajo Nation to the organization of the tribal council in 1923 (Jud). In the 1920’s oil, uranium, and coal were discovered in the Navajo Traditional homeland. The Diné formed the Navajo nation Council Chambers in an effort to organize and lease land for mines and businesses. A capital city was established near one of the U.S. army forts, and the Diné began to elect delegates. Today, there are 88 council members that represent the 110 chapters in the Navajo Nation who still meet in Window Rock, to debate (in Navajo and English) concerns from across the reservation (Navajo).
As the interests in the Navajo Nation increased so did the government involvement. In an attempt to help civilize the territory the Diné were encouraged to begin farming. The Navajo Nation Capitol city Window Rock Arizona was established near a U.S. army Fort and delegates began to distribute land across the eastern border to settlers, tribes, and individuals who were whiling to maintain the property. The unique distribution formed what is now known as the Checkerboard, an area that is dotted with private, tribal, and governmentally owned lands. As settlements were established people began to have trade with money instead of sheep or horses (Blake). Traditionally in a Navajo Clan each family member is responsible for supporting his relatives, but the members began to be suspicious of one another as each realized that unlike herds and crops a relative could lie about how much money he possessed (Peter).
The film reviewed in this article captures the reality of the mines on the Navajo Nation. The Return of Navajo Boy was premiered at the Sundance Film Festival in 2000, and resulted in a series of events that launched a federal investigation into the effects of uranium on the Navajo Nation. The producer Jeff Spitz reveals the Cly family’s feelings, and personal stories of the mines. Recently the United States Department of Justice paid $100,000 to a former uranium miner (Return). It is important to realize that the poor health of the miners were not the only destructive effects of the mines. Chapters across the reservation have demanded fresh water from their representatives in Window Rock, but even as recent as 2008, over 4,000 Navajo drink water from contaminated wells, and thousands more are subject to exposure and radiation left behind by the mines (Jud). The raised awareness by The Return of Navajo Boy helped to acute the need for environmental justice in the Navajo Nation.
Movement
Miller, Mark. Road Trip: Navajo and Hopi Lands, Arizona: National Geographic’s Drives of a Lifetime Series. National Geographic Traveler. Web
The next article is a map and recommended road trip through the Navajo Nation and into the Hopi Reservation. It not only includes descriptive directions, but the purpose of the article describes the important influence tourism has on the Navajo Nation.
Most people in the Navajo Nation, locals and tourists, travel along the stretches of High Ways. The National Geographic recommend a 425-mile loop route that starts at Tuba city and runs through the Navajo Nation through the Hopi Reservation (a reservation surrounded by the Navajo Nation) and back to tuba city. Some of the sites included Navajo National Monument, Canyon de Chelly National Monument, and Hopi Indian reservation villages. Between each of the suggested sites are directions along hundred mile stretches of Highways and old Route 59. Most of the cities scattered along the route included a few scattered houses, gestations, and basketball hoops. Locals race beside the slow driving tourists to grocery stores and malls. Even though the article recommended Route 59 and US 160 the driver that will only travel along the sun bleached assault roads would never see the many faces of the Navajo Nation. Much of the reservation can only be found through the dust clouds made on the dirt roads that wonder through the red rocks.
Region
Roberts, David. Finding Everett Ruess. Web National Geographic, April/May 2009. Web. 14 Jan. 2011
The story told in this article frames the region of the Navajo Nation as delicately as window curtains. For starters the article is about a seventeen-year-old Youngman who disappeared on the Navajo Nation during the 1930s. As the author investigates the man’s death the reader catches many of the common elements of the Navajo Nation draped throughout the story. The influence and power of the FBI and United State Federal Government has left a signature mark on the development and establishment of the Navajo Nation.
The Navajo Nation has refused to adopt a new government under the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 three times (Navajo). Yet, the Navajo governing council works with the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Federal Bureau of Investigation to enforce laws and perform routine work within the reservation. All proposed laws are reviewed by the United States Secretary of the Interior of Secretarial Review board (Navajo). There are elections on the reservation and members are expected to follow the Navajo Tribal Code. When the Navajo Nation was established Window Rock, Arizona was designated as the capital city because it was near the Fort Defiance army base.
In the article the influence the Federal government has over the area is lightly laced throughout the story. In the article when Bellson discovers the skeleton he calls the author and then the FBI according to Navajo Nation regulations. Bellson recounts that as soon as the FBI agent from Monticello saw the corps she declared it a Navajo Burial site, and concluded that it should not be disturbed. Later Bellson contacted Maldonado, the supervisory archaeologist in the Cultural Resource Compliance Section of the Navajo Nation. After Maldonado reviewed the skeleton he concluded that if it was a traditional Navajo Burial the face would have been turned east, in the crevice there would have been the saddle, and the horse would have been killed too.
In the article when Aneth Nez, Bellson’s grandfather, was after being diagnosed with cancer at a modern hospital he visited a medicine man to cure him. When the medicine man learned that Aneth had moved the corps of the murder victim in the 1930’s the medicine man told Aneth that he needed to take a piece of hair from the skeleton to help him ride the spirit. At the end of the five-day curing ceremony the medicine man shot the lock of hair he had collected with a gun, to destroy it completely. The irony in this story demonstrates how inescapable the influence of the Technoloyg, and the United States government has had on the Diné. Although Aneth wanted to be cured traditionally and not according to white man medicine. The ceremony included a gun. The two different cultures are as close together as the mud covered hogans and leaking trailers that are seen side-by-side from the highway. Today, the location of Window Rock, a forgotten skeleton lying in the sand, and the tradition and modern health services are only a few examples of the many influence the Federal Government has had over the regional development of the Navajo Nation.
Some of the changes on the Navajo Nation have seemed to happen as slowly as the formation of window rock, while other changes are like the long stretches of high way that extend from one end of the reservation to the other without seeming to end and begin. Still some of the changes are as drastic as the first snow fall: cold, harsh, and slowly melted by the sun. The truth is that in a place with so many differences change is inevitable. One family vacation, I remember feeling the four metallic state line markers trace across my back as I laid on the four-corner plaque smiling for the camera. My heart felt as if it was pounding so deep into the earth that if I stood up I might just lift the whole earth up with me, and I only rolled over off the plaque when my brother insisted it was his turn to try. The plaque itself was hard and the metal pocked and probed me; I had lain with my arms and legs spread out hundreds of times on picnic blankets—why I can still remember that summer vacation was because I knew I was at a place where differences were meeting. When I was there I could not help but to feel a part of the earth and a part of something grander than myself. The Navajo Nations gives me this same feeling, the sensation that beauty can only come at the place were differences can meet.
Navajo Tribe. Social Studies. Web http://www.kidport.com/reflib/SocialStudies/NativeAmericans/Navajo.htm Web 22 January, 2011.
Our News Wrap-up! Best Friends Animal Society. Web http://www.bestfriends.org/ Web 22 January, 2011.
Friday, January 21, 2011
GEOG rough Draft NN
My love for the Navajo Nation really started over a conversation about irrigation ditches; I found it oddly comforting to have a conversation with someone without having to define irrigation ditch, or clarifying the difference between a bale of hay and a bale of straw. I was in my freshman year of college, homesick, and here was someone who knew what an irrigation ditch was. Within no time we started a lifelong friendship. She was from the Navajo Nation, a place that I had never heard of, filled with things that I did not even know existed, and yet I felt drawn to it, all because it had irrigation ditches. I want to share this love with the reader by discussing a few of the things that I have learned about the Navajo Nation, and the Diné, or the Navajo People.
For this report I read five particular National Geographic articles, one relating to each of the five themes of geography. Although most of the information I discuss throughout this paper is my personal reflection and summary of these particular articles I felt that it was important to investigate some of the subjects mentioned in the articles more thoroughly. The other articles that I used are cited by regular MLA citation throughout my paper. I hope that the reader is able to recognize the beauty in the land, culture, and traditions of the Navajo Nation.
It has it has an established government, that is supported and restricted by the whims of the United States government.
Location
With 27,000 square miles the Navajo Nation is larger than 10 of the 50 states in America masked by Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona boarders (Navajo). Most of the area rests at an altitude between 5,000 and 7,000 (Shirley).
Best friends
Place
Roach, John. Navajo Help Save Unique Sheep From Extinction. National Geographic News: Reporting Your World Daily. 30 August 2005. Web 28 October 2010. http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2005/08/0830_050830_navajo_sheep_2.html Web 21 January 2011.
The beautiful Navajo rugs are weaved by more than nimble fingers and red dyed wool. Into each of the rugs is sown the soul of the weaver, the Navajo holy sprits, and traditions that stretch further than the yards of wool could ever reach. Despite the United States attempts to civilize the Diné the land between the Four Sacred Mountains seems to cradle the Navajo Traditional Sheepherders; the annual rainfall on the reservation is less than 15 inches, with more than 50% of the reservation classified as desert, and less than 10% of the land is available for irrigation (Shirley). Few things are able to flourish on the reservation as well as the Diné traditions. The black and red wool rugs with the jagged patterns weave together centuries of the cultural and history of the Diné.
How the churro sheep transformed the Navajo Nation in the early 1600s. When the Spanish colonists first came to the West they introduced sheep to the Navajo people. As the domestic sheep herds were introduced to the Diné transformed into a shepherding society. Oral tradition says the Churro sheep were a gift from the spirits. Tradition says the sheep came to the people when they were ready, and that spiderwomen came to Diné to teach them how to weave. For hundreds of years the Diné have preferred the churro wool because it is less greasy, and requires less precious in preparation for weaving.
Thousands of churro sheep were slaughtered in 1863 by Colonel Kit Carson’s cavalry in his attempt to relocate the clans to a territory in New Mexico. After failed attempts to capture the Diné the cavalry began to slaughter the Navajo sheep, burn crops, and chop down orchards. Starved and humiliated many of the Diné surrendered to Colonel Kit Carson. He led a once proud people across hundreds of miles into unspeakable conditions to near starvation in New Mexico, a tragedy which would eventually be known as The Long Walk. Only a few churro sheep herds survived the attacks, but in 1868 when the Diné were allowed to return to their homelands at organization of the Navajo Reservation the government gave each Navajo two Churro to help create self-sufficiency.
A few decades latter during the 1930s, the Dust Bowl ear, the government slaughtered thousands of the Navajo’s sheep and goats in an attempt to prevent overgrazing. The Navajo were asked to report their flocks to the government, and then the herds would be shipped to the slaughterhouses. Although the agents promised one U.S. dollar per head most of the 400,000 to 600,000 rotting carcasses shot on sight throughout the reservation were never recorded, let alone paid for. The program continued until there were less than 450 Churro sheep remaining.
McNeal started a program called Diné bé iiná, or The Navajo Lifeway, in 1977 that is based on establishing herds of Churro for the Diné. After search through the Rocky Mountains the organization was able to gather flocks of remaining Churro sheep and in the early 1980s the program began to distribute herds to the Navajo Nations. Today there are over 8,500 Churro in the United States, but more importantly the Diné have been able to weave the sacred Churro back into their culture. Weavers still ask spiderwomen to help them weave traditional rugs, and the people feel strongly the Creator spirit is pleased with the respectful care of the sheep.
Human-environment interaction
The Return of Navajo Boy: Screening & Discussion. National Geographic. Web 8 September 2008. < http://blogs.nationalgeographic.com/blogs/allroads/2008/09/the-return-of-navajo-boy-scree-2.html> Web 21 January 2011.
If someone were to look at the red and brown stone statues scattered across the pebbled sand it seems ridiculous to believe that people are dying throughout the Navajo Nation because of an abundance of natural resources. Despite the shrubbery lining the stretches of highway the only shadows large enough to cover the assault are cast by the towering mountains, but underneath the sunbaked earth is a wealth of natural resources. The discovery of oil, uranium, and coal in the 1920’s still transforms the Navajo Nation Government, the settlement of land, and Diné in immeasurable degrees.
Many attribute larger size and sophisticated forms of Indian government on the Navajo Nation to the organization of the tribal council in 1923 (Jud). In the 1920’s oil, uranium, and coal were discovered in the Navajo Traditional homeland. The Diné formed the Navajo nation Council Chambers in an effort to organize and lease land for mines and businesses. A capital city was established near one of the U.S. army forts, and the Diné began to elect delegates. Today, there are 88 council members that represent the 110 chapters in the Navajo Nation who still meet in Window Rock, to debate (in Navajo and English) concerns from across the reservation (Navajo).
As the interests in the Navajo Nation increased so did the government involvement. In an attempt to help civilize the territory the Diné were encouraged to begin farming. The Navajo Nation Capitol city Window Rock Arizona was established near a U.S. army Fort and delegates began to distribute land across the eastern border to settlers, tribes, and individuals who were whiling to maintain the property. The unique distribution formed what is now known as the Checkerboard, an area that is dotted with private, tribal, and governmentally owned lands. As settlements were established people began to have trade with money instead of sheep or horses (Blake). Traditionally in a Navajo Clan each family member is responsible for supporting his relatives, but the members began to be suspicious of one another as each realized that unlike herds and crops a relative could lie about how much money he possessed (Peter).
The film reviewed in this article captures the reality of the mines on the Navajo Nation. The Return of Navajo Boy was premiered at the Sundance Film Festival in 2000, and resulted in a series of events that launched a federal investigation into the effects of uranium on the Navajo Nation. The producer Jeff Spitz reveals the Cly family’s feelings, and personal stories of the mines. Recently the United States Department of Justice paid $100,000 to a former uranium miner (Return). It is important to realize that the poor health of the miners were not the only destructive effects of the mines. Chapters across the reservation have demanded fresh water from their representatives in Window Rock, but even as recent as 2008, over 4,000 Navajo drink water from contaminated wells, and thousands more are subject to exposure and radiation left behind by the mines (Jud). The raised awareness by The Return of Navajo Boy helped to acute the need for environmental justice in the Navajo Nation.
Movement
Region
Shirley, Joe. American Anthropological Association. Menasha, WI. 1963. Web Navajo Nation. Web. < http://navajopeople.org/navajo-nation.htm> Web 21 January, 2011.
For this report I read five particular National Geographic articles, one relating to each of the five themes of geography. Although most of the information I discuss throughout this paper is my personal reflection and summary of these particular articles I felt that it was important to investigate some of the subjects mentioned in the articles more thoroughly. The other articles that I used are cited by regular MLA citation throughout my paper. I hope that the reader is able to recognize the beauty in the land, culture, and traditions of the Navajo Nation.
It has it has an established government, that is supported and restricted by the whims of the United States government.
Location
With 27,000 square miles the Navajo Nation is larger than 10 of the 50 states in America masked by Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona boarders (Navajo). Most of the area rests at an altitude between 5,000 and 7,000 (Shirley).
Best friends
Place
Roach, John. Navajo Help Save Unique Sheep From Extinction. National Geographic News: Reporting Your World Daily. 30 August 2005. Web 28 October 2010. http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2005/08/0830_050830_navajo_sheep_2.html Web 21 January 2011.
The beautiful Navajo rugs are weaved by more than nimble fingers and red dyed wool. Into each of the rugs is sown the soul of the weaver, the Navajo holy sprits, and traditions that stretch further than the yards of wool could ever reach. Despite the United States attempts to civilize the Diné the land between the Four Sacred Mountains seems to cradle the Navajo Traditional Sheepherders; the annual rainfall on the reservation is less than 15 inches, with more than 50% of the reservation classified as desert, and less than 10% of the land is available for irrigation (Shirley). Few things are able to flourish on the reservation as well as the Diné traditions. The black and red wool rugs with the jagged patterns weave together centuries of the cultural and history of the Diné.
How the churro sheep transformed the Navajo Nation in the early 1600s. When the Spanish colonists first came to the West they introduced sheep to the Navajo people. As the domestic sheep herds were introduced to the Diné transformed into a shepherding society. Oral tradition says the Churro sheep were a gift from the spirits. Tradition says the sheep came to the people when they were ready, and that spiderwomen came to Diné to teach them how to weave. For hundreds of years the Diné have preferred the churro wool because it is less greasy, and requires less precious in preparation for weaving.
Thousands of churro sheep were slaughtered in 1863 by Colonel Kit Carson’s cavalry in his attempt to relocate the clans to a territory in New Mexico. After failed attempts to capture the Diné the cavalry began to slaughter the Navajo sheep, burn crops, and chop down orchards. Starved and humiliated many of the Diné surrendered to Colonel Kit Carson. He led a once proud people across hundreds of miles into unspeakable conditions to near starvation in New Mexico, a tragedy which would eventually be known as The Long Walk. Only a few churro sheep herds survived the attacks, but in 1868 when the Diné were allowed to return to their homelands at organization of the Navajo Reservation the government gave each Navajo two Churro to help create self-sufficiency.
A few decades latter during the 1930s, the Dust Bowl ear, the government slaughtered thousands of the Navajo’s sheep and goats in an attempt to prevent overgrazing. The Navajo were asked to report their flocks to the government, and then the herds would be shipped to the slaughterhouses. Although the agents promised one U.S. dollar per head most of the 400,000 to 600,000 rotting carcasses shot on sight throughout the reservation were never recorded, let alone paid for. The program continued until there were less than 450 Churro sheep remaining.
McNeal started a program called Diné bé iiná, or The Navajo Lifeway, in 1977 that is based on establishing herds of Churro for the Diné. After search through the Rocky Mountains the organization was able to gather flocks of remaining Churro sheep and in the early 1980s the program began to distribute herds to the Navajo Nations. Today there are over 8,500 Churro in the United States, but more importantly the Diné have been able to weave the sacred Churro back into their culture. Weavers still ask spiderwomen to help them weave traditional rugs, and the people feel strongly the Creator spirit is pleased with the respectful care of the sheep.
Human-environment interaction
The Return of Navajo Boy: Screening & Discussion. National Geographic. Web 8 September 2008. < http://blogs.nationalgeographic.com/blogs/allroads/2008/09/the-return-of-navajo-boy-scree-2.html> Web 21 January 2011.
If someone were to look at the red and brown stone statues scattered across the pebbled sand it seems ridiculous to believe that people are dying throughout the Navajo Nation because of an abundance of natural resources. Despite the shrubbery lining the stretches of highway the only shadows large enough to cover the assault are cast by the towering mountains, but underneath the sunbaked earth is a wealth of natural resources. The discovery of oil, uranium, and coal in the 1920’s still transforms the Navajo Nation Government, the settlement of land, and Diné in immeasurable degrees.
Many attribute larger size and sophisticated forms of Indian government on the Navajo Nation to the organization of the tribal council in 1923 (Jud). In the 1920’s oil, uranium, and coal were discovered in the Navajo Traditional homeland. The Diné formed the Navajo nation Council Chambers in an effort to organize and lease land for mines and businesses. A capital city was established near one of the U.S. army forts, and the Diné began to elect delegates. Today, there are 88 council members that represent the 110 chapters in the Navajo Nation who still meet in Window Rock, to debate (in Navajo and English) concerns from across the reservation (Navajo).
As the interests in the Navajo Nation increased so did the government involvement. In an attempt to help civilize the territory the Diné were encouraged to begin farming. The Navajo Nation Capitol city Window Rock Arizona was established near a U.S. army Fort and delegates began to distribute land across the eastern border to settlers, tribes, and individuals who were whiling to maintain the property. The unique distribution formed what is now known as the Checkerboard, an area that is dotted with private, tribal, and governmentally owned lands. As settlements were established people began to have trade with money instead of sheep or horses (Blake). Traditionally in a Navajo Clan each family member is responsible for supporting his relatives, but the members began to be suspicious of one another as each realized that unlike herds and crops a relative could lie about how much money he possessed (Peter).
The film reviewed in this article captures the reality of the mines on the Navajo Nation. The Return of Navajo Boy was premiered at the Sundance Film Festival in 2000, and resulted in a series of events that launched a federal investigation into the effects of uranium on the Navajo Nation. The producer Jeff Spitz reveals the Cly family’s feelings, and personal stories of the mines. Recently the United States Department of Justice paid $100,000 to a former uranium miner (Return). It is important to realize that the poor health of the miners were not the only destructive effects of the mines. Chapters across the reservation have demanded fresh water from their representatives in Window Rock, but even as recent as 2008, over 4,000 Navajo drink water from contaminated wells, and thousands more are subject to exposure and radiation left behind by the mines (Jud). The raised awareness by The Return of Navajo Boy helped to acute the need for environmental justice in the Navajo Nation.
Movement
Region
Shirley, Joe. American Anthropological Association. Menasha, WI. 1963. Web Navajo Nation. Web. < http://navajopeople.org/navajo-nation.htm> Web 21 January, 2011.
Thursday, January 20, 2011
GEOG 120 January 20, 2011
Joy Prior
January 20, 2011
Otterstorm, Samuel M
GEOG 120H
Section 001
#2 – CLIMATE/NATURAL HAZARDS
Many world events and hazards are directly related to climate. Find an article/event that directly relates to climate and discuss it terms of the physical geography and climatic elements that combined to help create the condition or event. How will this event affect the region and people in which it occurred? Did/do economic conditions in the country or region in which the even occurred affect the severity of the event? Explain.
Gregory, Holly. Earth’s Magnetic Shift Impacts Tampa International Airport. New 9. Web 6 January 2011. Web 20 January 2011.
Shifts in the earth’s magnetic pull caused hundreds of airplanes to stay grounded. The runaways in an airport are aligned to the points on the Earth’s magnetic North Pole, but the first week of 2011 the Tampa Florida International Airport’s main runaways were closed for repairs due to dramatic shifts in the earth’s magnetic pull. According to the article scientists believe that the North Pole’s is shifting towards Russia, about 40 miles a year. After the shift in the magnetic fields the Tampa runways were six degrees off, which is a drastic enough change to can cause a pilot to land a plan in the middle of the ocean.
This natural hazard effected all of the people planning to fly in and out of the Tampa International Airport for the end of the holidays. The runways were closed, and thousands of passengers were delayed. I can only imagine the amount of lost baggage and missed appointments.
I would say that the economic conditions of the airport affected the severity of this event. Besides the time lost, the affects of the natural hazard could be paid for. Although the airplane companies could have suffered slightly economically, the pilots had to adjust their magnetic fields, and the passengers probably felt stressed after reading this article I believe that most companies anticipate natural disasters such as this into their yearly budgets, and management.
Unlike other natural hazards the shift in the earth’s magnitude effected a very limited population. The people who with enough money for air travel, and who planed to travel. Although the people were stranded in the airport there was access to clean water, food, and shelter. Not to mention there were lots of things that did not happen; no one died, no one lost their house, there were no refugees because of the delayed airplanes, or at least the article did not mention any deaths. The affects of the shift in the Tampa airport affected the runways who were closed for repairs, and delayed the travels of the passages.
January 20, 2011
Otterstorm, Samuel M
GEOG 120H
Section 001
#2 – CLIMATE/NATURAL HAZARDS
Many world events and hazards are directly related to climate. Find an article/event that directly relates to climate and discuss it terms of the physical geography and climatic elements that combined to help create the condition or event. How will this event affect the region and people in which it occurred? Did/do economic conditions in the country or region in which the even occurred affect the severity of the event? Explain.
Gregory, Holly. Earth’s Magnetic Shift Impacts Tampa International Airport. New 9. Web 6 January 2011.
Shifts in the earth’s magnetic pull caused hundreds of airplanes to stay grounded. The runaways in an airport are aligned to the points on the Earth’s magnetic North Pole, but the first week of 2011 the Tampa Florida International Airport’s main runaways were closed for repairs due to dramatic shifts in the earth’s magnetic pull. According to the article scientists believe that the North Pole’s is shifting towards Russia, about 40 miles a year. After the shift in the magnetic fields the Tampa runways were six degrees off, which is a drastic enough change to can cause a pilot to land a plan in the middle of the ocean.
This natural hazard effected all of the people planning to fly in and out of the Tampa International Airport for the end of the holidays. The runways were closed, and thousands of passengers were delayed. I can only imagine the amount of lost baggage and missed appointments.
I would say that the economic conditions of the airport affected the severity of this event. Besides the time lost, the affects of the natural hazard could be paid for. Although the airplane companies could have suffered slightly economically, the pilots had to adjust their magnetic fields, and the passengers probably felt stressed after reading this article I believe that most companies anticipate natural disasters such as this into their yearly budgets, and management.
Unlike other natural hazards the shift in the earth’s magnitude effected a very limited population. The people who with enough money for air travel, and who planed to travel. Although the people were stranded in the airport there was access to clean water, food, and shelter. Not to mention there were lots of things that did not happen; no one died, no one lost their house, there were no refugees because of the delayed airplanes, or at least the article did not mention any deaths. The affects of the shift in the Tampa airport affected the runways who were closed for repairs, and delayed the travels of the passages.
Monday, January 17, 2011
GEOG NAVAJO NATIONS
The Navajo Nation is the Navajo Reservation; it is located in the four-corners area. This is the one place in the world where four states: Utah, Colorado, New Mexico, and Arizona meet, creating a perfect square. The image of four separate identities meeting seems to embody the Navajo Nation. This is a place for differences to meet: the ancestors, tourists, locals, and clans; the Navajo religious tradition, Catholics, Mormons, and modern technology; the desert, mountains, snow, and heat. Unlike other boundaries that a separated by a common river or are divided by a vast ocean, the differences seem to face each other as abruptly as each of the four states. Compared to the skyscrapers and freeway entrances surrounding the Navajo Nation, it seems that change on the reservation happens as slowly as the arches that appear in the sandstone. Yet, the location, physical and cultural characteristics, human-environment interactions, population movement, and topography of the region have changed over the years. In a place where so many differences are face to face, change is unavoidable.
Some of the changes on the Navajo Nation have seemed to happen as slowly as the formation of window rock, while other changes are like the long stretches of high way that extend from one end of the reservation to the other without seeming to end and begin. Still some of the changes are as drastic as the first snow fall: cold, harsh, and slowly melted by the sun. The truth is that in a place with so many differences change is inevitable. One family vacation, I remember feeling the four metallic state line markers trace across my back as I laid on the four-corner plaque smiling for the camera. My heart felt as if it was pounding so deep into the earth that if I stood up I might just lift the whole earth up with me, and I only rolled over off the plaque when my brother insisted it was his turn to try. The plaque itself was hard and the metal pocked and probed me; I had lain with my arms and legs spread out hundreds of times on picnic blankets—why I can still remember that summer vacation was because I knew I was at a place where differences were meeting. When I was there I could not help but to feel a part of the earth and a part of something grander than myself. The Navajo Nations gives me this same feeling, the sensation that beauty can only come at the place were differences can meet.
Some of the changes on the Navajo Nation have seemed to happen as slowly as the formation of window rock, while other changes are like the long stretches of high way that extend from one end of the reservation to the other without seeming to end and begin. Still some of the changes are as drastic as the first snow fall: cold, harsh, and slowly melted by the sun. The truth is that in a place with so many differences change is inevitable. One family vacation, I remember feeling the four metallic state line markers trace across my back as I laid on the four-corner plaque smiling for the camera. My heart felt as if it was pounding so deep into the earth that if I stood up I might just lift the whole earth up with me, and I only rolled over off the plaque when my brother insisted it was his turn to try. The plaque itself was hard and the metal pocked and probed me; I had lain with my arms and legs spread out hundreds of times on picnic blankets—why I can still remember that summer vacation was because I knew I was at a place where differences were meeting. When I was there I could not help but to feel a part of the earth and a part of something grander than myself. The Navajo Nations gives me this same feeling, the sensation that beauty can only come at the place were differences can meet.
Friday, January 14, 2011
GEOG Navajo Nation Article
Web Encyclopedia of World Biography, 2004. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
Annie Dodge Wauneka
Annie Dodge Wauneka (1910-1997) was a Navajo Nation leader who won the United States Presidential Medal of Freedom for her efforts to improve health care among her people.
Annie Dodge Wauneka was born on April 10, 1910, in a Navajo hogan near Sawmill, Arizona. She was raised in a non-traditional Navajo setting. Her father, Henry Chee Dodge, was a Navajo rancher and politician. Her mother, K'eehabah, was one of Dodge's three wives. Navajo custom allowed polygamy, and a man's wives were usually related to one another. Navajo society is also matrilineal, so children born to wives who were related were considered full siblings. Wauneka lived with K'eehabah for only her first year. At that time, Dodge brought Wauneka to live with him, along with her half-siblings. Dodge spoke fluent English and had been an interpreter for the government. He was a tribal council head as well as the owner of a large ranch with all the modern conveniences. For these facts alone, Wauneka's childhood would have been highly unusual for a Navajo. Their home was more like a typical farm house than like the Navajo hogans. They even had servants. Dodge kept his children humble by making them do chores, like sheep herding, so they wouldn't feel superior to the tribe's other children.
Besmehn, Michelle. National Geographic Channel gets Some New Best Friends: Best Friends Animal Society. Web National Geographic, 13 Dec. 2007. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
Best Friends and the Fredonia Humane Society have launched a three-year partnership that will provide free spay/neuter services to residents of The Gap, an impoverished area within the Navajo Reservation in northern Arizona.
Roberts, David. Finding Everett Ruess. Web National Geographic, April/May 2009. Web. 14 Jan. 2011
It was a warm day in May 2008. Daisy Johnson had come from her home in Farmington, New Mexico, to Shiprock to visit her younger brother, Denny Bellson. And to tell him a story he had never heard before—a story about their grandfather, Aneth Nez, that took place back in the 1930s.
Fifty-six years old last May, Johnson was a troubled woman. A year before, she had been diagnosed with ovarian cancer. She underwent a round of chemotherapy that nauseated her and caused her hair to fall out, but the cancer had gone away. Now, just in the past few weeks, it had come back. This time Johnson, a traditional Navajo, went to a medicine man.
"He told me this all came about because of our grandpa," Johnson said to her brother. She knew in a heartbeat that the medicine man must be right. How else had he known about her grandfather?
Bellson lives on the Navajo Reservation, just off U.S. Highway 191, not far from where he and his sister had grown up, and where their grandfather, Aneth Nez, had lived. Last May he listened to his sister’s story in electrified silence.
"A long time ago," she said, "Grandpa was sitting up there on the rim of Comb Ridge [a sandstone uplift that crosses the Utah-Arizona border]. For several days he watched this guy—he was a real young Anglo dude—riding up and down the canyon below him. The guy had two mules, one that he rode and one that was packed with things dangling off the side. It was like he was looking for something."
One day, according to Johnson, Nez saw the young man down in the riverbed, only this time he was yelling and riding fast. Nez scanned the wash below and saw three Utes chasing the boy. "They caught up with him and hit him on the head and knocked him off his mule," she recounted. "They left him there and took off with the mules and whatever else the guy had."
As he watched the scene unfold, Nez stayed out of view. For centuries Utes living north of the San Juan River had been fierce enemies of the Navajo, whose homeland lay south of the river. As late as the 1930s, tensions between the groups occasionally broke out in violence. Nez’s perch was only a few miles from that ethnic frontier.
When the Utes had gone, Nez descended some 300 feet from Comb Ridge to the bed of Chinle Wash. The young man was dead by the time Nez got to him. Rather than looking for a burial site in the open wash, the Navajo hauled the body up to the rocky folds of the ridge, in all likelihood on the back of his horse. "Grandpa got a lot of blood on him," Johnson said. "That’s what made him get sick later. Then he buried the young guy up there on the rim."
For more than three decades, Aneth Nez had told no one about this dark episode in his past. Then, in 1971, at the age of 72, he also had fallen ill with cancer. Nez paid a medicine man to diagnose his trouble. "He said," Daisy Johnson recalled, "‘You had no business messing around with that body.’"
The medicine man told Nez that the only way he could cure his cancer would be to retrieve a lock of hair from the head of the young man he had buried decades earlier, then use it in a five-day curing ceremony. "I was 19," Johnson said. "I was home for the summer. That was the first time I ever heard anything about the young dude the Utes had killed down there in Chinle Wash."
Johnson drove Nez out toward the Comb in a pickup. She waited in the cab for two hours, guessing that her grandfather was reconnoitering the land or perhaps even praying to prepare himself. He returned to the pickup empty-handed.
Later, Nez traveled back to the Comb with a medicine man. This time he retrieved a lock of hair from the grave. In the curing ceremony, Johnson said, the medicine man dusted the hair with ashes—"so it will never bother the patient again." At the end of the five days, the medicine man shot the lock with a gun, to destroy it completely.
"And then Grandpa got better," Daisy Johnson said. "He lived another ten years."
For decades, scores of wanderers in the convoluted Southwest have disappeared, and their remains have seldom been found. The mystery posed by their vanishing usually lasts for a few weeks in the newspapers. But Ruess’s disappearance launched what can only be called a cult. In bars from California to Colorado, the mere mention of his story could be counted on to provoke a heated debate over the possible ways he met his fate.
In 1940 a small California press published On Desert Trails With Everett Ruess, a handsome collage of excerpts from the young man’s letters home, his poems and essays, and his watercolor paintings and woodblock engravings
In the dozens of letters he sent home, Ruess’s writing soars with rhapsodic, even grandiose, evocations of the wilderness: “I have seen almost more beauty than I can bear.” But his aesthetic flights are balanced by a sense of despair and often a premonition of impending doom. “I must pack my short life full of interesting events,” he wrote to his brother from an Arizona outpost at the age of only 17. “I shall go on some last wilderness trip, to a place I have known and loved. I shall not return.”
Before I could get to Utah, however, Bellson called the FBI in Monticello. If by some remote chance the grave was that of Everett Ruess—or of some other Anglo who had been killed by Utes—it was thus a crime scene. Fearful of sidestepping the law, Bellson felt it his duty to notify the authorities.
Bellson took one fork after another as the branching trails petered out in vestigial slickrock tracks. “When I was a kid,” he said, “I asked my dad, ‘Do people live out there?’” He pointed through the windshield at the stark plateau ahead of us. “Dad said, ‘Nope. You go out there and it just drops off into a big canyon.’ I thought it was like the end of the world.”
In a deadpan voice, Bellson described his outing a week before with the FBI. The team had consisted of Boisselle, two Navajo criminal investigators, and the San Juan county sheriff, who had invited his three teenage sons along. “One of the CIs tried to lift the skull,” Bellson recounted, “and it broke into pieces. The FBI lady decided right off that it was a Navajo burial. They acted like I was wasting their time.”
Before heading out to Utah, I had gotten in touch with Ron Maldonado, the supervisory archaeologist in the Cultural Resource Compliance Section of the Navajo Nation, based in Window Rock, Arizona. Maldonado was instantly intrigued—and instantly cautious. He agreed, however, to go out to the site with us and have a look around. Maldonado, I learned, was married to a Navajo, and he had vast experience with crevice burials on the reservation.
After a while, Maldonado commented, “It’s definitely a full-size skull. But it’s still growing. It looks like a guy in his 20s.” Many minutes later: “He’s not facing east. As far as I can tell, he’s facing to the southwest. If it was a Navajo burial, he’d be facing east.”
Later still: “It just doesn’t look like a Navajo burial. They would have put the saddle in the crevice with him.”
Bellson spoke up. “They would have killed the horse too. Hit it with an ax, and left the ax handle in the grave.
“Smell the bones?” Bellson asked.
Maldonado sat up, trowel in hand. “Yeah. You can smell them even when they’re a thousand years old. It gets into the dirt. It’s a smell I can never forget. This guy I used to work with calls it ‘people grease.’”
We took a break to sit in the shade and eat lunch. Maldonado mused: “Look at that crevice. It’s not a likely place to bury somebody. You could make a much better burial right over there, or there.” He pointed to a pair of ample slots in the rimrock cliff just behind us. “He may have been trying to hide the body in a hurry,” Maldonado went on. “Just stuff him in there, then maneuver him around. He had to get him in the ground before sunset.
“It all makes sense. The 1930s were a really volatile time on the reservation. The government had started wholesale livestock reduction, killing thousands of Navajo sheep and cattle. They were hauling the kids off to boarding schools. Here’s a Navajo guy who witnesses a murder. Your grandpa,” Maldonado nodded at Bellson, “doesn’t want the remains just lying out on the ground. In the ’30s, if a white guy gets killed on the rez, they call out the cavalry. Round up a bunch of Navajos, pick a suspect, and lock him in jail. I can see why your grandpa would have tried to hide the guy. And then I can see why he wouldn’t tell anybody about it for 37 years.”
After lunch, Maldonado went back to work. Finally, toward late afternoon, we sat in the shade again. The archaeologist lowered his head and wiped his brow as he pondered, silent for so long that he seemed to be meditating. Finally he spoke: “It just doesn’t look like a Navajo burial. Who else lives in this area?”
“Nobody,” said Bellson.
“Who else could be buried out here?”
Bellson shook his head. He had asked his neighbors. There were no stories of gravesites on this part of the Comb. “Mom and Dad,” Bellson added, “always told us to stay away from here. They never told us why.”
“According to Navajo Nation policy,” Maldonado said, “we’re supposed to protect graves, whether Native American or not. But we’re also supposed to try to find the lineal descendants if there’s an unidentified body.” He turned to me. “Who’s the relative you talked to?”
. “Out here,” he said, “Navajo oral tradition is pretty accurate. Based on that tradition, I think there’s a good chance this is Everett Ruess.”
Lying loose in a cranny in front of the crevice was a 1912 dime that had been converted into a button. The thing struck all three men as a very Navajo kind of relic (antique Navajo belts made of silver dollars fetch high prices). But we also knew that Ruess loved to wear Indian jewelry. In any event, the button gave us a terminus ad quem: the burial could not have taken place before 1912.
Blake, Kevin S. In Search of a Navajo Sacred Geography. Geograpical Review, Oct. 2001, Vol 91(4), p. 715-724. Identifier: ISSN: 00167428 ; DOI: 10.2307/3594728
Section: GEOGRAPHICAL FIELD NOTE
“One must know one's terrain.” This phrase, mumbled by George Garrad, the gin-soaked cartographer in the 1995 film The Englishman Who Went Up a Hill but Came Down a Mountain, directed by Christopher Monger, voices a vehement rationale for understanding mountains through field exploration. Garrad and his assistant, Reginald Anson, have arrived in Wales to measure the heights of mountains. But Garrad's irksome personality and penchant for condescension inspire those around him to great lengths of avoidance, and his commitment to mapmaking falls lamentably short of his devotion to the bottle. Conversely, Anson's passion for fieldwork and fascination with what the local summit means to the Welsh enable the village to succeed in its efforts to raise the height of the “hill” so that it will appear as a mountain on government maps. While George Garrad accepts determination of an exact elevation as the utmost task, his young partner Anson and the Welsh can see beyond this quantification to the more powerful symbolic qualities of landscapes.
Half a world away, in the wild and tumbled mountains of eastern Arizona, the ethnographer Keith Basso discovers another kind of drinking: “As Apache men and women set about drinking from places—as they acquire knowledge of their natural surroundings, commit it to memory, and apply it to the workings of their minds—they show by their actions that their surroundings live in them” (1996,146). The rich place-names and tribal narratives of the sacred landscape of the Western Apache homeland recall its mythical importance and deeply influence the Apache sense of self and place.
The Englishman and Keith Basso also share an evocation of the importance of knowing where we are, especially in fieldwork. It is understood that this knowledge runs deeper than a single attribute (Fisher and Wood 1998). Technologies such as global positioning systems may help many people record their spatial coordinates, but the raw data fall well short of accounting for the cultural and symbolic qualities that are needed in the geographical sleuthing of the precise location of sacred mountains. To find the earthly manifestation of a mythical sacred mountain we must instead rely on qualitative assessments of landform shape, relative location, intervisibilities (line-of-sight views of one sacred mountain from another), folklore, place-names, ceremonial use, and previous explorations.
Gobernador Knob, one of the preeminent Navajo (or Diné) sacred mountains and a critical piece of the Navajo sacred geography, is often terra incognita in the literature and maps of Navajo lands. Unknown terrains hold great imaginative appeal for the likes of John K. Wright (1947), but geographical omissions or misplacements take on even more potent significance in pilgrimage and sacred-land studies.
NAVAJO SACRED GEOGRAPHY
There is consensus today about the precise location of five of six deeply symbolic Navajo sacred mountains. The Navajo world is bounded by four cardinal mountains: Blanca Peak, Colorado, in the east; Mount Taylor, New Mexico, in the south; San Francisco Peaks, Arizona, in the west; and Hesperus Mountain, Colorado, in the north (Wyman 1957). Within Dinétah, the original Navajo homeland, lie two sacred mountains: Huerfano Mountain and Gobernador Knob, both in northwestern New Mexico (Jett 2001) (Figure 1).
But the geography is not so simple, In an effort to complete fieldwork at each sacred summit, with the goal of comparing the actual land use of these mountains with their symbolic values (Blake 200l), I found a great deal of confusion, even among the Navajo, about the exact location of Gobernador Knob. With such misinformation, how can the Navajo connect with the spiritual power of the place, and how can culturally sensitive land management be ensured? For the Navajo, events need to be spatially anchored, or their significance is reduced and cannot be properly assessed (Basso 1996). It is widely accepted that Gobernador Knob is in the vicinity of Dinétah, which is located east of the main Navajo Reservation near “The Checkerboard,” an area of mixed private, state, federal, and Navajo lands. It can also be readily surmised, toponymically, that Gobernador Knob may be located near Gobernador Canyon east of Bloomfield, New Mexico. Approximate location, however, is of limited value when searching for a relatively small, indistinct knob set in a sea of similar mesa and butte landforms.
So, I set off in search of a Navajo sacred geography.[ 1] The task was complicated by the many scholars of Navajo land and culture who mistakenly identify, misplace, grossly generalize, or omit the location of Gobernador Knob on maps and in place descriptions, even when sacred mountains are an explicit focus of the work.[ 2] Confusion also exists among Navajo-authored works about their own sacred lands.[ 3] Although it is tempting to believe that these mistakes are instances of deliberate protection of American Indian religious beliefs from prying eyes (and some efforts along these lines are necessary), all of these errors are probably inadvertent. No effort is made or mandated to hide the location of major Navajo sacred landforms (Jett 1995). Furthermore, the knob is located beyond the reservation boundaries on land under the jurisdiction of the Bureau of Land Management; its location is a matter of public record.
The inference to be drawn from the rather copious literature is that the scholars and cartographers who misplace Gobernador Knob have not visited the place. Field exploration is typically beyond their central focus, but their work nevertheless confounds the Navajo sacred geography. I am not the only scholar of Navajo sacred mountains to have climbed Gobernador Knob or to understand its correct location, but the detailed landscape exploration and understanding of mountain symbolism that I used to find the exact sacred summit reveals important aspects of place attachment and the value of qualitative methods in fieldwork.[ 4]
SEARCHING FOR GOBERNADOR KNOB
The misinformation about the exact location of the knob stems from many factors. Greater scholarly emphasis has typically been placed on the higher and more dramatic four cardinal mountains, resulting in less attention to the details of Huerfano Mountain and Gobernador Knob. Also, Gobernador Knob has the second-lowest elevation of the six sacred mountains ( 2,316meters) and the least local relative relief compared with the surrounding terrain, only about 60 meters to the east and 220 meters to the west. Simply put, it is not nearly as visually or topographically impressive as are many Four Corners landforms. Complicating matters is the limited visibility of the knob from any major roadway. The knob is barely discernable from U.S. Highway 64, even if one knows exactly where to look. Next is the matter of accessibility. Even if one knows the approximate location of Gobernador Knob, actually getting there is relatively difficult. It is well off the beaten track, and although the effort is not all that strenuous, it requires persistence and route-finding skills by automobile and on foot. The distant location of Gobernador Knob from major population centers further conspires to keep the knob in obscurity, with little visitation.
Confusion is also created by the multitude of “Gobernador” place-names in the area (Julyan 1996). A Spanish word for “governor” the name “Gobernador” was also given to a major tributary of the San Juan River, a town site, and, most significantly, a survey benchmark. No maps for this area include the name “Gobernador Knob,” but the county, Bureau of Land Management, National Forest Service, and U.S. Geological Survey topographic maps all show survey benchmark designations, including the one named “Gobernador.” When someone wants to locate Gobernador Knob, the natural tendency is to zero in on the Gobernador benchmark. Placed in 1945, this benchmark sits atop Manzanares Mesa overlooking Gobernador Canyon.[ 5] The problem with this location is that nothing there quite looks like a prominent knob. The terrain is fairly nondescript, hardly what one expects for a sacred mountain. In reality, the Gobernador benchmark is located nearly 26 kilometers northwest of Gobernador Knob. Why is the Gobernador benchmark not on Gobernador Knob? When the knob benchmark was placed in 1906 it was named “Snyder.”[ 6] The etymology of “Snyder” is long forgotten—the survey record book simply notes that the summit of Gobernador Knob had the name (Marshall 1910).[ 7] The crux of the misunderstanding is that the Snyder benchmark is on Gobernador Knob and that the Gobernador benchmark is on Manzanares Mesa.
Evidence supporting the assertion that the Snyder benchmark is on Gobernador Knob begins with the observations of Richard Van Valkenburgh, a Bureau of Indian Affairs employee in the 1930s who compiled a detailed geographical dictionary of the Navajo lands (1999). His notes, now on deposit in Tucson, describe the location of Gobernador Knob, and he also made a sketch showing the knob just southwest of four small knoblike summits or cerritos (Van Valkenburgh n.d.). Barely noticeable along Laguna Seca Mesa to the northeast of the Snyder station are the four cerritos, hardly enough to merit a glance without the archival map. To actually find the knob I searched for each benchmark in the area, driving the maze of narrow and winding back roads maintained in various states of decay by the Bureau of Land Management, Forest Service, or natural-gas production companies. The closest road access to the Snyder benchmark still requires a moderate hike westward through a dense piñon pine and juniper woodland. Suddenly, emerging from the forest at the edge of the mesa at the headwaters of Gobernador Canyon, a knob comes into view (Figure 2). Indeed, this is the place! It is the only prominent knob in the area, and it fits the Van Valkenburgh description and map perfectly, located on the western escarpment of Laguna Seca Mesa, 8 kilometers south of U.S. Highway 64.[ 8]
SACRED—MOUNTAIN SYMBOLISM
Even more significant to the identification of Gobernador Knob as one of the central Navajo sacred mountains than the Van Valkenburgh archives is the symbolism of the landform shape. On top of Gobernador Knob, First Man created Changing Woman, the most trusted Navajo spirit and the near-personification of the natural order of the universe. Here she gave birth to her twin sons, who heroically killed the monsters that once imperiled all of the Navajo country (Reichard 1950). The centrality of Gobernador Knob in Navajo lore created a symbolic link between the shape of the summit and the first type of Navajo dwelling. The hogan, or Navajo home place, is most commonly seen today with a (female) rounded top, but the earlier style was called a (male) conical forked-pole hogan because of its construction method (Wyman 1970). The Navajo spirits decreed that this form of hogan have a fine tapering shape in association with Gobernador Knob (Figure 3).
The summit of the knob is surprisingly fiat and large (10 by 30 meters). In addition to the Snyder station mark at the high point, three aspects of sacred-mountain symbolism are visible: a symbolic tie to a Navajo toponym, intervisibilities with other sacred places, and evidence of ceremonial visits. The Navajo descriptive name for Gobernador Knob is “Ch'óol'Ã'Ã,” a name that likely refers to a lookout or vantage point and perhaps also to spruce trees (Julyan 1996). The knob certainly is a superb lookout, commanding a view of nearly 200 kilometers across northwestern New Mexico and into northeastern Arizona and southern Colorado. Spruce trees are absent at Gobernador Knob, yet in clear skies the westward view can encompass the Chuska Mountains in northeastern Arizona, whose Navajo descriptive name means “White Spruce Mountains” (Wyman 1970). Another key intervisibility is a view to the southwest from Gobernador Knob that includes Huerfano Mountain, the other central sacred summit, approximately 50 kilometers distant (Figure 4). The relative position of Gobernador and Huerfano along a line trending northeast-southwest results in a solstitial alignment: At sunrise on the summer solstice, a view from Huerfano sees the sun rise over Gobernador, and on the winter solstice the sun sets behind Huerfano when viewed from Gobernador.[ 9] Completing the symbolic accretions at Gobernador Knob are the numerous pottery shards found in a wide area to the north and east, as well as their ceremonial arrangement at the summit. There is no recreation in this area, and no casual visitor would seek this out-of-the-way knob—the pottery-shard arrangements speak to Navajo visits. Repeated fieldwork at the summit confirms that stones, shards, and forked sticks are part of the ongoing ceremonial display at the summit.
This fieldwork has proved once again the value of get-your-boots-dirty fieldwork. I would never have found the correct sacred summit without immersing myself in the exploration of the area, and this also furthered my understanding of the contribution that precise knowledge of Gobernador Knob's location makes to Navajo place attachment. A resurgence of Navajo identity based on traditional sacred geography has occurred in recent years. In part this is indicated by the teaching curriculum in Navajo schools, which includes a section on the locations of the sacred mountains, and it is also manifested in Navajo visits to the sacred peaks. In each case, knowledge of exactly where the spirits rise is elemental to place attachment.
Paradoxically, the virtually unknown summit of Gobernador Knob is among the Navajo sacred mountains most threatened by development. Natural-gas wells and booster stations in the San Juan Basin have long been visible and audible from the summit of Gobernador, but an expansion of the drilling activity since 1999 places drill pads and well operations within 0.8 kilometer of the knob, well within the zone of pottery shards (Figure 5).[ 10] Energy development causes great change in the character of a sacred place (Talbot 1985), making it all the more important to know the exact location of Gobernador Knob. Without an understanding of the symbolic significance of the landform, little can be done to monitor and potentially modify the drilling activities.[ 11]
Knowledge of the exact location of sacred summits is elemental to place attachment and to determinations of appropriate land uses given the pertinent environmental ethics. Gobernador Knob should be protected for its symbolic qualities, even if that involves transfer of the land from the Bureau of Land Management to the Navajo. Unlike many other Navajo sacred sites located off the reservation, such as Rainbow Bridge or the San Francisco Peaks, Gobernador Knob has little significance to other cultures, and an appropriate transfer might only involve about 1 square kilometer. Precedents exist for the transfer of sacred sites to American Indians, including the return of Blue Lake to Taos Pueblo (Talbot 1985) and a portion of Huerfano Mountain to the Navajo (Brugge 1999). But limits must exist on the degree to which Gobernador Knob is signed or otherwise popularized. In the long run, even gas wells would likely have less impact than would the trammeling of a constant stream of sacred-mountain curiosity mongers. After all, every culture needs wild places like Gobernador Knob to explore and to reaffirm spiritual awareness.
NOTES
1. My efforts to find Gobernador Knob commenced in 1994 and culminated in field explorations of the summit in 1996, 1999, and 2000.
2. Gobernador Knob's location is misplaced or grossly generalized on the maps of Brugge (1983), Jett (1992), Trimble (1993), Time Traveler Maps (1998), and Jett (200l). The knob is omitted from the maps of Gilpin (1968), Goodman (1982), Kelley and Francis (1994), and Baars (1995), even though other sacred places are mapped and the sacred mountains are explained in the text. A photograph caption in Baars mistakenly identifies Huerfano Mountain as Gobernador Knob (1995).
3. Bingham and Bingham correctly identify Gobernador Knob in a photograph, but their detailed map misplaces it by approximately 26 kilometers (1982). The gazetteer description in Wilson (1995) generalizes the location of the knob to a similar extent.
4. Wyman (1957), McPherson (1992), Julyan (1996), and Linford (2000) correctly map or describe the location of Gobernador Knob. David M. Brugge, a leading anthropologist of Navajo culture, has also visited the knob, and the Bureau of Land Management Farmington (New Mexico) Field Office is aware of the precise location.
5. The National Geodetic Survey Gobernador benchmark (elevation 2,126 meters) is located at 36°42′55″ N, 107°36′05″ W, in the northwestern quadrant of Section 20, Township 29 North, Range 7 West, Rio Arriba County.
6. The National Geodetic Survey Snyder benchmark (on Gobernador Knob, elevation 2,316 meters) is located at 36°38′15″ N, 107°20′9″ W, in the northwestern quadrant of Section 26, Township 28 North, Range 5 West, Rio Arriba County.
7. Survey station names are generally chosen to reflect a nearby natural feature or a landowner's name. Perhaps Snyder was a local rancher at the time: The initials “D. S.” are deeply carved into a large boulder on the summit.
8. The best access to Gobernador Knob is to follow Forest Road 314 southward from U.S. Highway 64 at a point approximately 0.3 kilometer east of mile marker 105, just west of the western boundary of Carson National Forest. After 8 kilometers in a generally southern direction a right turn leads past the Muñoz benchmark and communications towers, and then the road again bends south. At a total of 11 kilometers the road intersects the graded natural-gas well-production site pictured in Figure 5 (Burlington Resources, San Juan 28-5, Unit 103M). From this parking area, the knob is approximately 0.8 kilometer west-southwest. No current maps for the area indicate the correct alignment of Forest Road 314, but the 7.5 minute Gobernador Quadrangle is helpful in orienteering.
9. After being alerted to the possibility of this spatial alignment by David M. Brugge (with attribution to Hugh Rodgers), astrophysicist Steve B. Howell confirmed the solstitial relationship, with Gobernador Knob and Huerfano Mountain along an azimuth of approximately 65.5°. This alignment could in part account for the prevalence of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Puebloan and Navajo settlements in the immediate area (Brugge 1983).
10. In 1999 the decline of well pressures in the San Juan Basin prompted an aggressive infill well-drilling program that will add approximately 2,000 wells over the next ten years. Additional secondary recovery operations (involving greater use of equipment, such as pumpjack units and more land disturbance) will also supplement the well-drilling program. Most of the mineral production in the San Juan Basin is natural gas.
11. The Bureau of Land Management is aware of the significance of Gobernador Knob and has included it as a 360-acre Area of Critical Environmental Concern in its Noise Sensitive Area Program. The program is designed to monitor and improve noise quality emitting from oil and gas operations, yet other environmental impacts and visual impairments are unaddressed.
In the search for this sacred mountain I appreciate the assistance of William R. Blake, David M. Brugge, Steve B. Howell, Stephen C. Jett, Robert Julyan, and William A. Stone.
Natural Resources. The Navajo Nation Division of Econoimic Development, Window Rock Arizna. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
Natural Resources
Energy and Natural Resources
Of the 17.2 million acres comprising the Navajo Reservation, 1.4 million acres are suitable for irrigation. The Nation’s priority rights to water flowing through its lands are established by federal law.
About 40 percent as large as the State of Washington of the Reservation also includes 523,000 acres of Ponderosa Pine and Douglas Fur and 4.5 million acres of Pinon Pine and Juniper.
Navajoland is also endowed with vast reserves of coal, uranium, oil, and natural gas. Peabody Coal Company and the Pittsburgh and Midway Coal Company mine 23 million tons per year. Oil wells produced 6.1 million barrels in 1991, while natural gas productions totaled 4.5 million MCF.
Coal, oil, and uranium have been the foundation of the Navajo economy since the 1920’s. Leases for mineral and petroleum exploration or extraction currently total 400,000 acres, or about 2.5 percent of the reservations land area. Mine-mouth coal generating stations in and around Navajo country provide a substantial percentage of electrical power to the American Southwest and southern California. The Nation’s oil and gas severance is four percent of the value of the minerals extracted from reservation lands, and a three percent possessory interest tax is levies on the value of natural resource leaseholds.
Energy and natural resource revenues, including earnings from forest products and agricultural enterprises, are expected to remain major contributors to the Navajo economy even as it diversifies. The Navajo Nation practices environmentally protection in the prudent development of its mineral resources.
Brieu, Sylvie. All Roads Film Project: Events. Web National Geographic Dec 2010.
“The number 4 is also symbolic. We talk about the 4 directions, the 4 sacred colors and the 4 mountains that surround the Navajo territory.”
Navajo Nation’s Arizona Casion to cost $180 Million. Web Associated Press, 3 March 2010. Web. 14 Jan 2011.
FLAGSTAFF - The Navajo Nation plans to break ground this fall on a $180 million resort, spa and casino near Twin Arrows east of Flagstaff.
Navajo Nation Gaming Enterprise chief executive officer Bob Winter said he is seeking an architect to design a "green" resort on the north side of Interstate 40, about 30 minutes from Flagstaff.
Winter said final financing for the gambling house is likely to come through in the coming days with completion estimated in the fall of 2011.
The resort-casino will feature a golf course, hotel rooms and a store selling native arts and crafts.
It will have its own sewage treatment plant, but Winter did not know much water the resort would use or where the water would come from.
The tribe opened its first casino east of Gallup, N.M., in 2008.
Peter, Iverson. Four our Navajo people: Dine letters. Speeches & petitions, 1900-1960. New Mexico, University of New Mexico Press. 2002.
This book takes 1900 as its starting point, when most Americans assumed that Indian reservations were temporary enclaves and that Indian communities were destined for disappearance. It conclude in 1960, by which time it had become quite clear that Indians were here to stay. Although substantial evidence is available from the 1960s to the present, material from the prior six decades is much more difficult to find.
1868: incarcerated at Fort Sumner in east central New Mexico; signed treaty for initial land base the acreage woluld more than quadruple over 70 years. Now 25,000 square miles.
Navajo-Hopi land dispute clashed over resources: still their bread
The Holy People had meant for the Navajo to live between the four sacred mountains
Chee Dodge/ Man Who Interprets; wanted education to come to the reserveation and teach his tribe English and to have a trade school
1926 get ride of horses to make room for grazing sheep
Oil on the Hogback in the Treaty area of the reservation
Underhill, Ruth M. The Navajos.
“If there were no horses, there would be no Navajos” people did not want to get ride of their horses
The washingot had charge 1902; Civil Service adopted a few employees and slowly enclued more employees and in 1906 the Navajos were given paid work on buildings, and the people were divided into chapters, and create a council
Prior to 1933 the main breed of sheep was the little churro ewes and introduced in 1907
Between 1900 and 1925 nine boarding schools and two day schools were set up on the reservation; children taken from camps and put into schools for years: brick buildings, whitewashed corridors, huge dormitories; high discipline
As early as 1893 agents had been agitating for day schools, but the great amount of area between homes and schools was difficult
Particularly pressing was the case of the Navajos. While nearly every Hogan still had its sheep and nearly every man his horse, and while splendid ceremonies still held the old way of life together, the general level of prosperity ahd dropped alarmingly. The largest annual income on the reservation (that of government employees near Fort Defiance) was $2,000, and the smallest, in the barren west, was $31. Navajos who left the reservation to earn money were likely to return after a few months, too lonely to remain away.
High rate of tuberculosis deaths
The New Deal, with its program for national welfare, came in, and with it came a new Indian Commissioner and, for the Navajos, a change that amounted to revolution. When a man had food and flocks, his kinfold knew it and expected hospitality. When he had money, he could conceal the fact and fail in his duty.
Window Rock, near Fort Defiance as the Navajo Capital; Navajos sat huddled in sheepskin coats and bright Pendleton blankets, their shaggy hair in buns, and here and there a long moustache drooping over the green and yellow blanket. When the speech was over the Navajo rose to reply, all he had was: “Yes, but what about our sheep?”
Navajos volunteered for the armed services. The white world was no longer merely an abode of mysterious enemies, but a place one might enter. Should the Navajos refuse this honor of a bearial? Not to touch the body and avoid contact. For the war dead, at least, public burial was accepted
The government instituted a campaign with moving pictures to show why each Indian should take a “paper name” which he would keep all his life, instead of different names, changed after every important event.
Post war- alcoholism
Bruchac, Joseph, Begay, Shonot. Navajo Long Walk: the Tragic Story of a Proud People’s Forced March From Their Homeland. National Geographic Society, 2002.
Tells the tragic story of how, in the 1860s, U.S. soldiers forced thousands of Navajos to march to a desolate reservation four hundred miles from their homeland in an effort to "civilize" them, only to have hundreds die along the way and the rest find unspeakable living conditions at their destination. Teacher's Guide available.
Annie Dodge Wauneka
Annie Dodge Wauneka (1910-1997) was a Navajo Nation leader who won the United States Presidential Medal of Freedom for her efforts to improve health care among her people.
Annie Dodge Wauneka was born on April 10, 1910, in a Navajo hogan near Sawmill, Arizona. She was raised in a non-traditional Navajo setting. Her father, Henry Chee Dodge, was a Navajo rancher and politician. Her mother, K'eehabah, was one of Dodge's three wives. Navajo custom allowed polygamy, and a man's wives were usually related to one another. Navajo society is also matrilineal, so children born to wives who were related were considered full siblings. Wauneka lived with K'eehabah for only her first year. At that time, Dodge brought Wauneka to live with him, along with her half-siblings. Dodge spoke fluent English and had been an interpreter for the government. He was a tribal council head as well as the owner of a large ranch with all the modern conveniences. For these facts alone, Wauneka's childhood would have been highly unusual for a Navajo. Their home was more like a typical farm house than like the Navajo hogans. They even had servants. Dodge kept his children humble by making them do chores, like sheep herding, so they wouldn't feel superior to the tribe's other children.
Besmehn, Michelle. National Geographic Channel gets Some New Best Friends: Best Friends Animal Society. Web National Geographic, 13 Dec. 2007. Web. 14 Jan. 2011.
Best Friends and the Fredonia Humane Society have launched a three-year partnership that will provide free spay/neuter services to residents of The Gap, an impoverished area within the Navajo Reservation in northern Arizona.
Roberts, David. Finding Everett Ruess. Web National Geographic, April/May 2009.
It was a warm day in May 2008. Daisy Johnson had come from her home in Farmington, New Mexico, to Shiprock to visit her younger brother, Denny Bellson. And to tell him a story he had never heard before—a story about their grandfather, Aneth Nez, that took place back in the 1930s.
Fifty-six years old last May, Johnson was a troubled woman. A year before, she had been diagnosed with ovarian cancer. She underwent a round of chemotherapy that nauseated her and caused her hair to fall out, but the cancer had gone away. Now, just in the past few weeks, it had come back. This time Johnson, a traditional Navajo, went to a medicine man.
"He told me this all came about because of our grandpa," Johnson said to her brother. She knew in a heartbeat that the medicine man must be right. How else had he known about her grandfather?
Bellson lives on the Navajo Reservation, just off U.S. Highway 191, not far from where he and his sister had grown up, and where their grandfather, Aneth Nez, had lived. Last May he listened to his sister’s story in electrified silence.
"A long time ago," she said, "Grandpa was sitting up there on the rim of Comb Ridge [a sandstone uplift that crosses the Utah-Arizona border]. For several days he watched this guy—he was a real young Anglo dude—riding up and down the canyon below him. The guy had two mules, one that he rode and one that was packed with things dangling off the side. It was like he was looking for something."
One day, according to Johnson, Nez saw the young man down in the riverbed, only this time he was yelling and riding fast. Nez scanned the wash below and saw three Utes chasing the boy. "They caught up with him and hit him on the head and knocked him off his mule," she recounted. "They left him there and took off with the mules and whatever else the guy had."
As he watched the scene unfold, Nez stayed out of view. For centuries Utes living north of the San Juan River had been fierce enemies of the Navajo, whose homeland lay south of the river. As late as the 1930s, tensions between the groups occasionally broke out in violence. Nez’s perch was only a few miles from that ethnic frontier.
When the Utes had gone, Nez descended some 300 feet from Comb Ridge to the bed of Chinle Wash. The young man was dead by the time Nez got to him. Rather than looking for a burial site in the open wash, the Navajo hauled the body up to the rocky folds of the ridge, in all likelihood on the back of his horse. "Grandpa got a lot of blood on him," Johnson said. "That’s what made him get sick later. Then he buried the young guy up there on the rim."
For more than three decades, Aneth Nez had told no one about this dark episode in his past. Then, in 1971, at the age of 72, he also had fallen ill with cancer. Nez paid a medicine man to diagnose his trouble. "He said," Daisy Johnson recalled, "‘You had no business messing around with that body.’"
The medicine man told Nez that the only way he could cure his cancer would be to retrieve a lock of hair from the head of the young man he had buried decades earlier, then use it in a five-day curing ceremony. "I was 19," Johnson said. "I was home for the summer. That was the first time I ever heard anything about the young dude the Utes had killed down there in Chinle Wash."
Johnson drove Nez out toward the Comb in a pickup. She waited in the cab for two hours, guessing that her grandfather was reconnoitering the land or perhaps even praying to prepare himself. He returned to the pickup empty-handed.
Later, Nez traveled back to the Comb with a medicine man. This time he retrieved a lock of hair from the grave. In the curing ceremony, Johnson said, the medicine man dusted the hair with ashes—"so it will never bother the patient again." At the end of the five days, the medicine man shot the lock with a gun, to destroy it completely.
"And then Grandpa got better," Daisy Johnson said. "He lived another ten years."
For decades, scores of wanderers in the convoluted Southwest have disappeared, and their remains have seldom been found. The mystery posed by their vanishing usually lasts for a few weeks in the newspapers. But Ruess’s disappearance launched what can only be called a cult. In bars from California to Colorado, the mere mention of his story could be counted on to provoke a heated debate over the possible ways he met his fate.
In 1940 a small California press published On Desert Trails With Everett Ruess, a handsome collage of excerpts from the young man’s letters home, his poems and essays, and his watercolor paintings and woodblock engravings
In the dozens of letters he sent home, Ruess’s writing soars with rhapsodic, even grandiose, evocations of the wilderness: “I have seen almost more beauty than I can bear.” But his aesthetic flights are balanced by a sense of despair and often a premonition of impending doom. “I must pack my short life full of interesting events,” he wrote to his brother from an Arizona outpost at the age of only 17. “I shall go on some last wilderness trip, to a place I have known and loved. I shall not return.”
Before I could get to Utah, however, Bellson called the FBI in Monticello. If by some remote chance the grave was that of Everett Ruess—or of some other Anglo who had been killed by Utes—it was thus a crime scene. Fearful of sidestepping the law, Bellson felt it his duty to notify the authorities.
Bellson took one fork after another as the branching trails petered out in vestigial slickrock tracks. “When I was a kid,” he said, “I asked my dad, ‘Do people live out there?’” He pointed through the windshield at the stark plateau ahead of us. “Dad said, ‘Nope. You go out there and it just drops off into a big canyon.’ I thought it was like the end of the world.”
In a deadpan voice, Bellson described his outing a week before with the FBI. The team had consisted of Boisselle, two Navajo criminal investigators, and the San Juan county sheriff, who had invited his three teenage sons along. “One of the CIs tried to lift the skull,” Bellson recounted, “and it broke into pieces. The FBI lady decided right off that it was a Navajo burial. They acted like I was wasting their time.”
Before heading out to Utah, I had gotten in touch with Ron Maldonado, the supervisory archaeologist in the Cultural Resource Compliance Section of the Navajo Nation, based in Window Rock, Arizona. Maldonado was instantly intrigued—and instantly cautious. He agreed, however, to go out to the site with us and have a look around. Maldonado, I learned, was married to a Navajo, and he had vast experience with crevice burials on the reservation.
After a while, Maldonado commented, “It’s definitely a full-size skull. But it’s still growing. It looks like a guy in his 20s.” Many minutes later: “He’s not facing east. As far as I can tell, he’s facing to the southwest. If it was a Navajo burial, he’d be facing east.”
Later still: “It just doesn’t look like a Navajo burial. They would have put the saddle in the crevice with him.”
Bellson spoke up. “They would have killed the horse too. Hit it with an ax, and left the ax handle in the grave.
“Smell the bones?” Bellson asked.
Maldonado sat up, trowel in hand. “Yeah. You can smell them even when they’re a thousand years old. It gets into the dirt. It’s a smell I can never forget. This guy I used to work with calls it ‘people grease.’”
We took a break to sit in the shade and eat lunch. Maldonado mused: “Look at that crevice. It’s not a likely place to bury somebody. You could make a much better burial right over there, or there.” He pointed to a pair of ample slots in the rimrock cliff just behind us. “He may have been trying to hide the body in a hurry,” Maldonado went on. “Just stuff him in there, then maneuver him around. He had to get him in the ground before sunset.
“It all makes sense. The 1930s were a really volatile time on the reservation. The government had started wholesale livestock reduction, killing thousands of Navajo sheep and cattle. They were hauling the kids off to boarding schools. Here’s a Navajo guy who witnesses a murder. Your grandpa,” Maldonado nodded at Bellson, “doesn’t want the remains just lying out on the ground. In the ’30s, if a white guy gets killed on the rez, they call out the cavalry. Round up a bunch of Navajos, pick a suspect, and lock him in jail. I can see why your grandpa would have tried to hide the guy. And then I can see why he wouldn’t tell anybody about it for 37 years.”
After lunch, Maldonado went back to work. Finally, toward late afternoon, we sat in the shade again. The archaeologist lowered his head and wiped his brow as he pondered, silent for so long that he seemed to be meditating. Finally he spoke: “It just doesn’t look like a Navajo burial. Who else lives in this area?”
“Nobody,” said Bellson.
“Who else could be buried out here?”
Bellson shook his head. He had asked his neighbors. There were no stories of gravesites on this part of the Comb. “Mom and Dad,” Bellson added, “always told us to stay away from here. They never told us why.”
“According to Navajo Nation policy,” Maldonado said, “we’re supposed to protect graves, whether Native American or not. But we’re also supposed to try to find the lineal descendants if there’s an unidentified body.” He turned to me. “Who’s the relative you talked to?”
. “Out here,” he said, “Navajo oral tradition is pretty accurate. Based on that tradition, I think there’s a good chance this is Everett Ruess.”
Lying loose in a cranny in front of the crevice was a 1912 dime that had been converted into a button. The thing struck all three men as a very Navajo kind of relic (antique Navajo belts made of silver dollars fetch high prices). But we also knew that Ruess loved to wear Indian jewelry. In any event, the button gave us a terminus ad quem: the burial could not have taken place before 1912.
Blake, Kevin S. In Search of a Navajo Sacred Geography. Geograpical Review, Oct. 2001, Vol 91(4), p. 715-724. Identifier: ISSN: 00167428 ; DOI: 10.2307/3594728
Section: GEOGRAPHICAL FIELD NOTE
“One must know one's terrain.” This phrase, mumbled by George Garrad, the gin-soaked cartographer in the 1995 film The Englishman Who Went Up a Hill but Came Down a Mountain, directed by Christopher Monger, voices a vehement rationale for understanding mountains through field exploration. Garrad and his assistant, Reginald Anson, have arrived in Wales to measure the heights of mountains. But Garrad's irksome personality and penchant for condescension inspire those around him to great lengths of avoidance, and his commitment to mapmaking falls lamentably short of his devotion to the bottle. Conversely, Anson's passion for fieldwork and fascination with what the local summit means to the Welsh enable the village to succeed in its efforts to raise the height of the “hill” so that it will appear as a mountain on government maps. While George Garrad accepts determination of an exact elevation as the utmost task, his young partner Anson and the Welsh can see beyond this quantification to the more powerful symbolic qualities of landscapes.
Half a world away, in the wild and tumbled mountains of eastern Arizona, the ethnographer Keith Basso discovers another kind of drinking: “As Apache men and women set about drinking from places—as they acquire knowledge of their natural surroundings, commit it to memory, and apply it to the workings of their minds—they show by their actions that their surroundings live in them” (1996,146). The rich place-names and tribal narratives of the sacred landscape of the Western Apache homeland recall its mythical importance and deeply influence the Apache sense of self and place.
The Englishman and Keith Basso also share an evocation of the importance of knowing where we are, especially in fieldwork. It is understood that this knowledge runs deeper than a single attribute (Fisher and Wood 1998). Technologies such as global positioning systems may help many people record their spatial coordinates, but the raw data fall well short of accounting for the cultural and symbolic qualities that are needed in the geographical sleuthing of the precise location of sacred mountains. To find the earthly manifestation of a mythical sacred mountain we must instead rely on qualitative assessments of landform shape, relative location, intervisibilities (line-of-sight views of one sacred mountain from another), folklore, place-names, ceremonial use, and previous explorations.
Gobernador Knob, one of the preeminent Navajo (or Diné) sacred mountains and a critical piece of the Navajo sacred geography, is often terra incognita in the literature and maps of Navajo lands. Unknown terrains hold great imaginative appeal for the likes of John K. Wright (1947), but geographical omissions or misplacements take on even more potent significance in pilgrimage and sacred-land studies.
NAVAJO SACRED GEOGRAPHY
There is consensus today about the precise location of five of six deeply symbolic Navajo sacred mountains. The Navajo world is bounded by four cardinal mountains: Blanca Peak, Colorado, in the east; Mount Taylor, New Mexico, in the south; San Francisco Peaks, Arizona, in the west; and Hesperus Mountain, Colorado, in the north (Wyman 1957). Within Dinétah, the original Navajo homeland, lie two sacred mountains: Huerfano Mountain and Gobernador Knob, both in northwestern New Mexico (Jett 2001) (Figure 1).
But the geography is not so simple, In an effort to complete fieldwork at each sacred summit, with the goal of comparing the actual land use of these mountains with their symbolic values (Blake 200l), I found a great deal of confusion, even among the Navajo, about the exact location of Gobernador Knob. With such misinformation, how can the Navajo connect with the spiritual power of the place, and how can culturally sensitive land management be ensured? For the Navajo, events need to be spatially anchored, or their significance is reduced and cannot be properly assessed (Basso 1996). It is widely accepted that Gobernador Knob is in the vicinity of Dinétah, which is located east of the main Navajo Reservation near “The Checkerboard,” an area of mixed private, state, federal, and Navajo lands. It can also be readily surmised, toponymically, that Gobernador Knob may be located near Gobernador Canyon east of Bloomfield, New Mexico. Approximate location, however, is of limited value when searching for a relatively small, indistinct knob set in a sea of similar mesa and butte landforms.
So, I set off in search of a Navajo sacred geography.[ 1] The task was complicated by the many scholars of Navajo land and culture who mistakenly identify, misplace, grossly generalize, or omit the location of Gobernador Knob on maps and in place descriptions, even when sacred mountains are an explicit focus of the work.[ 2] Confusion also exists among Navajo-authored works about their own sacred lands.[ 3] Although it is tempting to believe that these mistakes are instances of deliberate protection of American Indian religious beliefs from prying eyes (and some efforts along these lines are necessary), all of these errors are probably inadvertent. No effort is made or mandated to hide the location of major Navajo sacred landforms (Jett 1995). Furthermore, the knob is located beyond the reservation boundaries on land under the jurisdiction of the Bureau of Land Management; its location is a matter of public record.
The inference to be drawn from the rather copious literature is that the scholars and cartographers who misplace Gobernador Knob have not visited the place. Field exploration is typically beyond their central focus, but their work nevertheless confounds the Navajo sacred geography. I am not the only scholar of Navajo sacred mountains to have climbed Gobernador Knob or to understand its correct location, but the detailed landscape exploration and understanding of mountain symbolism that I used to find the exact sacred summit reveals important aspects of place attachment and the value of qualitative methods in fieldwork.[ 4]
SEARCHING FOR GOBERNADOR KNOB
The misinformation about the exact location of the knob stems from many factors. Greater scholarly emphasis has typically been placed on the higher and more dramatic four cardinal mountains, resulting in less attention to the details of Huerfano Mountain and Gobernador Knob. Also, Gobernador Knob has the second-lowest elevation of the six sacred mountains ( 2,316meters) and the least local relative relief compared with the surrounding terrain, only about 60 meters to the east and 220 meters to the west. Simply put, it is not nearly as visually or topographically impressive as are many Four Corners landforms. Complicating matters is the limited visibility of the knob from any major roadway. The knob is barely discernable from U.S. Highway 64, even if one knows exactly where to look. Next is the matter of accessibility. Even if one knows the approximate location of Gobernador Knob, actually getting there is relatively difficult. It is well off the beaten track, and although the effort is not all that strenuous, it requires persistence and route-finding skills by automobile and on foot. The distant location of Gobernador Knob from major population centers further conspires to keep the knob in obscurity, with little visitation.
Confusion is also created by the multitude of “Gobernador” place-names in the area (Julyan 1996). A Spanish word for “governor” the name “Gobernador” was also given to a major tributary of the San Juan River, a town site, and, most significantly, a survey benchmark. No maps for this area include the name “Gobernador Knob,” but the county, Bureau of Land Management, National Forest Service, and U.S. Geological Survey topographic maps all show survey benchmark designations, including the one named “Gobernador.” When someone wants to locate Gobernador Knob, the natural tendency is to zero in on the Gobernador benchmark. Placed in 1945, this benchmark sits atop Manzanares Mesa overlooking Gobernador Canyon.[ 5] The problem with this location is that nothing there quite looks like a prominent knob. The terrain is fairly nondescript, hardly what one expects for a sacred mountain. In reality, the Gobernador benchmark is located nearly 26 kilometers northwest of Gobernador Knob. Why is the Gobernador benchmark not on Gobernador Knob? When the knob benchmark was placed in 1906 it was named “Snyder.”[ 6] The etymology of “Snyder” is long forgotten—the survey record book simply notes that the summit of Gobernador Knob had the name (Marshall 1910).[ 7] The crux of the misunderstanding is that the Snyder benchmark is on Gobernador Knob and that the Gobernador benchmark is on Manzanares Mesa.
Evidence supporting the assertion that the Snyder benchmark is on Gobernador Knob begins with the observations of Richard Van Valkenburgh, a Bureau of Indian Affairs employee in the 1930s who compiled a detailed geographical dictionary of the Navajo lands (1999). His notes, now on deposit in Tucson, describe the location of Gobernador Knob, and he also made a sketch showing the knob just southwest of four small knoblike summits or cerritos (Van Valkenburgh n.d.). Barely noticeable along Laguna Seca Mesa to the northeast of the Snyder station are the four cerritos, hardly enough to merit a glance without the archival map. To actually find the knob I searched for each benchmark in the area, driving the maze of narrow and winding back roads maintained in various states of decay by the Bureau of Land Management, Forest Service, or natural-gas production companies. The closest road access to the Snyder benchmark still requires a moderate hike westward through a dense piñon pine and juniper woodland. Suddenly, emerging from the forest at the edge of the mesa at the headwaters of Gobernador Canyon, a knob comes into view (Figure 2). Indeed, this is the place! It is the only prominent knob in the area, and it fits the Van Valkenburgh description and map perfectly, located on the western escarpment of Laguna Seca Mesa, 8 kilometers south of U.S. Highway 64.[ 8]
SACRED—MOUNTAIN SYMBOLISM
Even more significant to the identification of Gobernador Knob as one of the central Navajo sacred mountains than the Van Valkenburgh archives is the symbolism of the landform shape. On top of Gobernador Knob, First Man created Changing Woman, the most trusted Navajo spirit and the near-personification of the natural order of the universe. Here she gave birth to her twin sons, who heroically killed the monsters that once imperiled all of the Navajo country (Reichard 1950). The centrality of Gobernador Knob in Navajo lore created a symbolic link between the shape of the summit and the first type of Navajo dwelling. The hogan, or Navajo home place, is most commonly seen today with a (female) rounded top, but the earlier style was called a (male) conical forked-pole hogan because of its construction method (Wyman 1970). The Navajo spirits decreed that this form of hogan have a fine tapering shape in association with Gobernador Knob (Figure 3).
The summit of the knob is surprisingly fiat and large (10 by 30 meters). In addition to the Snyder station mark at the high point, three aspects of sacred-mountain symbolism are visible: a symbolic tie to a Navajo toponym, intervisibilities with other sacred places, and evidence of ceremonial visits. The Navajo descriptive name for Gobernador Knob is “Ch'óol'Ã'Ã,” a name that likely refers to a lookout or vantage point and perhaps also to spruce trees (Julyan 1996). The knob certainly is a superb lookout, commanding a view of nearly 200 kilometers across northwestern New Mexico and into northeastern Arizona and southern Colorado. Spruce trees are absent at Gobernador Knob, yet in clear skies the westward view can encompass the Chuska Mountains in northeastern Arizona, whose Navajo descriptive name means “White Spruce Mountains” (Wyman 1970). Another key intervisibility is a view to the southwest from Gobernador Knob that includes Huerfano Mountain, the other central sacred summit, approximately 50 kilometers distant (Figure 4). The relative position of Gobernador and Huerfano along a line trending northeast-southwest results in a solstitial alignment: At sunrise on the summer solstice, a view from Huerfano sees the sun rise over Gobernador, and on the winter solstice the sun sets behind Huerfano when viewed from Gobernador.[ 9] Completing the symbolic accretions at Gobernador Knob are the numerous pottery shards found in a wide area to the north and east, as well as their ceremonial arrangement at the summit. There is no recreation in this area, and no casual visitor would seek this out-of-the-way knob—the pottery-shard arrangements speak to Navajo visits. Repeated fieldwork at the summit confirms that stones, shards, and forked sticks are part of the ongoing ceremonial display at the summit.
This fieldwork has proved once again the value of get-your-boots-dirty fieldwork. I would never have found the correct sacred summit without immersing myself in the exploration of the area, and this also furthered my understanding of the contribution that precise knowledge of Gobernador Knob's location makes to Navajo place attachment. A resurgence of Navajo identity based on traditional sacred geography has occurred in recent years. In part this is indicated by the teaching curriculum in Navajo schools, which includes a section on the locations of the sacred mountains, and it is also manifested in Navajo visits to the sacred peaks. In each case, knowledge of exactly where the spirits rise is elemental to place attachment.
Paradoxically, the virtually unknown summit of Gobernador Knob is among the Navajo sacred mountains most threatened by development. Natural-gas wells and booster stations in the San Juan Basin have long been visible and audible from the summit of Gobernador, but an expansion of the drilling activity since 1999 places drill pads and well operations within 0.8 kilometer of the knob, well within the zone of pottery shards (Figure 5).[ 10] Energy development causes great change in the character of a sacred place (Talbot 1985), making it all the more important to know the exact location of Gobernador Knob. Without an understanding of the symbolic significance of the landform, little can be done to monitor and potentially modify the drilling activities.[ 11]
Knowledge of the exact location of sacred summits is elemental to place attachment and to determinations of appropriate land uses given the pertinent environmental ethics. Gobernador Knob should be protected for its symbolic qualities, even if that involves transfer of the land from the Bureau of Land Management to the Navajo. Unlike many other Navajo sacred sites located off the reservation, such as Rainbow Bridge or the San Francisco Peaks, Gobernador Knob has little significance to other cultures, and an appropriate transfer might only involve about 1 square kilometer. Precedents exist for the transfer of sacred sites to American Indians, including the return of Blue Lake to Taos Pueblo (Talbot 1985) and a portion of Huerfano Mountain to the Navajo (Brugge 1999). But limits must exist on the degree to which Gobernador Knob is signed or otherwise popularized. In the long run, even gas wells would likely have less impact than would the trammeling of a constant stream of sacred-mountain curiosity mongers. After all, every culture needs wild places like Gobernador Knob to explore and to reaffirm spiritual awareness.
NOTES
1. My efforts to find Gobernador Knob commenced in 1994 and culminated in field explorations of the summit in 1996, 1999, and 2000.
2. Gobernador Knob's location is misplaced or grossly generalized on the maps of Brugge (1983), Jett (1992), Trimble (1993), Time Traveler Maps (1998), and Jett (200l). The knob is omitted from the maps of Gilpin (1968), Goodman (1982), Kelley and Francis (1994), and Baars (1995), even though other sacred places are mapped and the sacred mountains are explained in the text. A photograph caption in Baars mistakenly identifies Huerfano Mountain as Gobernador Knob (1995).
3. Bingham and Bingham correctly identify Gobernador Knob in a photograph, but their detailed map misplaces it by approximately 26 kilometers (1982). The gazetteer description in Wilson (1995) generalizes the location of the knob to a similar extent.
4. Wyman (1957), McPherson (1992), Julyan (1996), and Linford (2000) correctly map or describe the location of Gobernador Knob. David M. Brugge, a leading anthropologist of Navajo culture, has also visited the knob, and the Bureau of Land Management Farmington (New Mexico) Field Office is aware of the precise location.
5. The National Geodetic Survey Gobernador benchmark (elevation 2,126 meters) is located at 36°42′55″ N, 107°36′05″ W, in the northwestern quadrant of Section 20, Township 29 North, Range 7 West, Rio Arriba County.
6. The National Geodetic Survey Snyder benchmark (on Gobernador Knob, elevation 2,316 meters) is located at 36°38′15″ N, 107°20′9″ W, in the northwestern quadrant of Section 26, Township 28 North, Range 5 West, Rio Arriba County.
7. Survey station names are generally chosen to reflect a nearby natural feature or a landowner's name. Perhaps Snyder was a local rancher at the time: The initials “D. S.” are deeply carved into a large boulder on the summit.
8. The best access to Gobernador Knob is to follow Forest Road 314 southward from U.S. Highway 64 at a point approximately 0.3 kilometer east of mile marker 105, just west of the western boundary of Carson National Forest. After 8 kilometers in a generally southern direction a right turn leads past the Muñoz benchmark and communications towers, and then the road again bends south. At a total of 11 kilometers the road intersects the graded natural-gas well-production site pictured in Figure 5 (Burlington Resources, San Juan 28-5, Unit 103M). From this parking area, the knob is approximately 0.8 kilometer west-southwest. No current maps for the area indicate the correct alignment of Forest Road 314, but the 7.5 minute Gobernador Quadrangle is helpful in orienteering.
9. After being alerted to the possibility of this spatial alignment by David M. Brugge (with attribution to Hugh Rodgers), astrophysicist Steve B. Howell confirmed the solstitial relationship, with Gobernador Knob and Huerfano Mountain along an azimuth of approximately 65.5°. This alignment could in part account for the prevalence of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Puebloan and Navajo settlements in the immediate area (Brugge 1983).
10. In 1999 the decline of well pressures in the San Juan Basin prompted an aggressive infill well-drilling program that will add approximately 2,000 wells over the next ten years. Additional secondary recovery operations (involving greater use of equipment, such as pumpjack units and more land disturbance) will also supplement the well-drilling program. Most of the mineral production in the San Juan Basin is natural gas.
11. The Bureau of Land Management is aware of the significance of Gobernador Knob and has included it as a 360-acre Area of Critical Environmental Concern in its Noise Sensitive Area Program. The program is designed to monitor and improve noise quality emitting from oil and gas operations, yet other environmental impacts and visual impairments are unaddressed.
In the search for this sacred mountain I appreciate the assistance of William R. Blake, David M. Brugge, Steve B. Howell, Stephen C. Jett, Robert Julyan, and William A. Stone.
Natural Resources. The Navajo Nation Division of Econoimic Development, Window Rock Arizna.
Natural Resources
Energy and Natural Resources
Of the 17.2 million acres comprising the Navajo Reservation, 1.4 million acres are suitable for irrigation. The Nation’s priority rights to water flowing through its lands are established by federal law.
About 40 percent as large as the State of Washington of the Reservation also includes 523,000 acres of Ponderosa Pine and Douglas Fur and 4.5 million acres of Pinon Pine and Juniper.
Navajoland is also endowed with vast reserves of coal, uranium, oil, and natural gas. Peabody Coal Company and the Pittsburgh and Midway Coal Company mine 23 million tons per year. Oil wells produced 6.1 million barrels in 1991, while natural gas productions totaled 4.5 million MCF.
Coal, oil, and uranium have been the foundation of the Navajo economy since the 1920’s. Leases for mineral and petroleum exploration or extraction currently total 400,000 acres, or about 2.5 percent of the reservations land area. Mine-mouth coal generating stations in and around Navajo country provide a substantial percentage of electrical power to the American Southwest and southern California. The Nation’s oil and gas severance is four percent of the value of the minerals extracted from reservation lands, and a three percent possessory interest tax is levies on the value of natural resource leaseholds.
Energy and natural resource revenues, including earnings from forest products and agricultural enterprises, are expected to remain major contributors to the Navajo economy even as it diversifies. The Navajo Nation practices environmentally protection in the prudent development of its mineral resources.
Brieu, Sylvie. All Roads Film Project: Events. Web National Geographic Dec 2010.
“The number 4 is also symbolic. We talk about the 4 directions, the 4 sacred colors and the 4 mountains that surround the Navajo territory.”
Navajo Nation’s Arizona Casion to cost $180 Million. Web Associated Press, 3 March 2010.
FLAGSTAFF - The Navajo Nation plans to break ground this fall on a $180 million resort, spa and casino near Twin Arrows east of Flagstaff.
Navajo Nation Gaming Enterprise chief executive officer Bob Winter said he is seeking an architect to design a "green" resort on the north side of Interstate 40, about 30 minutes from Flagstaff.
Winter said final financing for the gambling house is likely to come through in the coming days with completion estimated in the fall of 2011.
The resort-casino will feature a golf course, hotel rooms and a store selling native arts and crafts.
It will have its own sewage treatment plant, but Winter did not know much water the resort would use or where the water would come from.
The tribe opened its first casino east of Gallup, N.M., in 2008.
Peter, Iverson. Four our Navajo people: Dine letters. Speeches & petitions, 1900-1960. New Mexico, University of New Mexico Press. 2002.
This book takes 1900 as its starting point, when most Americans assumed that Indian reservations were temporary enclaves and that Indian communities were destined for disappearance. It conclude in 1960, by which time it had become quite clear that Indians were here to stay. Although substantial evidence is available from the 1960s to the present, material from the prior six decades is much more difficult to find.
1868: incarcerated at Fort Sumner in east central New Mexico; signed treaty for initial land base the acreage woluld more than quadruple over 70 years. Now 25,000 square miles.
Navajo-Hopi land dispute clashed over resources: still their bread
The Holy People had meant for the Navajo to live between the four sacred mountains
Chee Dodge/ Man Who Interprets; wanted education to come to the reserveation and teach his tribe English and to have a trade school
1926 get ride of horses to make room for grazing sheep
Oil on the Hogback in the Treaty area of the reservation
Underhill, Ruth M. The Navajos.
“If there were no horses, there would be no Navajos” people did not want to get ride of their horses
The washingot had charge 1902; Civil Service adopted a few employees and slowly enclued more employees and in 1906 the Navajos were given paid work on buildings, and the people were divided into chapters, and create a council
Prior to 1933 the main breed of sheep was the little churro ewes and introduced in 1907
Between 1900 and 1925 nine boarding schools and two day schools were set up on the reservation; children taken from camps and put into schools for years: brick buildings, whitewashed corridors, huge dormitories; high discipline
As early as 1893 agents had been agitating for day schools, but the great amount of area between homes and schools was difficult
Particularly pressing was the case of the Navajos. While nearly every Hogan still had its sheep and nearly every man his horse, and while splendid ceremonies still held the old way of life together, the general level of prosperity ahd dropped alarmingly. The largest annual income on the reservation (that of government employees near Fort Defiance) was $2,000, and the smallest, in the barren west, was $31. Navajos who left the reservation to earn money were likely to return after a few months, too lonely to remain away.
High rate of tuberculosis deaths
The New Deal, with its program for national welfare, came in, and with it came a new Indian Commissioner and, for the Navajos, a change that amounted to revolution. When a man had food and flocks, his kinfold knew it and expected hospitality. When he had money, he could conceal the fact and fail in his duty.
Window Rock, near Fort Defiance as the Navajo Capital; Navajos sat huddled in sheepskin coats and bright Pendleton blankets, their shaggy hair in buns, and here and there a long moustache drooping over the green and yellow blanket. When the speech was over the Navajo rose to reply, all he had was: “Yes, but what about our sheep?”
Navajos volunteered for the armed services. The white world was no longer merely an abode of mysterious enemies, but a place one might enter. Should the Navajos refuse this honor of a bearial? Not to touch the body and avoid contact. For the war dead, at least, public burial was accepted
The government instituted a campaign with moving pictures to show why each Indian should take a “paper name” which he would keep all his life, instead of different names, changed after every important event.
Post war- alcoholism
Bruchac, Joseph, Begay, Shonot. Navajo Long Walk: the Tragic Story of a Proud People’s Forced March From Their Homeland. National Geographic Society, 2002.
Tells the tragic story of how, in the 1860s, U.S. soldiers forced thousands of Navajos to march to a desolate reservation four hundred miles from their homeland in an effort to "civilize" them, only to have hundreds die along the way and the rest find unspeakable living conditions at their destination. Teacher's Guide available.
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